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AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


VOL.  IV. 


KEZISO. 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Research  Library,  The  Getty  Research  Institute 


http://www.archive.org/details/ancientmexicofro02gord 


Talc  /^«- ■ 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


AjrCIEXT  MEXICO? 


FBOU  THE  romiDATIOSr  OF  THAT  EWPIBE  TO  ITS  DESTBUCTIOK 
BX  THE  SPANIABDS. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

BX 

THOMAS  F.    GORBOJSr. 


'Tis  strange,  but  trae;  for  Truth  is  always  strangle, 
Stranger  than  fiction. 

Byron.  Don  Juan,  Canto  xr. 


VOLUME  n. 


PHILADELPHIA: 


PriTttedfor  and  Published  by  the  Author: 
And  for  Sale  by  the  principal  Booksellers  in  the  U^  States. 

'"1832."" 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1832, 
by  Thomas  F.  Gohdon,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District 
Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


T.  TOTTN'S,  STEBEOTTPE, 
FHILASELFHIA 


} 


CONTENTS  — VOL.  II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Page. 
Sect.  I.  Of  the  languages  of  America — General  and  im- 
proved character 1 

n.  Diversity  of  languages  in  Analiuac 5 

Of  the  ^lexican  language 6 

ni.  Mexican  eloquence  and  poetry 8 

IV.  Mexican  picture  writing — General  character . . .  11 

V.  Mexican  forms  of  manuscript 12 

VI.  Contents   of  the   manuscripts  destroyed  by  the 

Missionaries 13 

VII.  Collections  of  original  manuscripts— Character, 

Quippus 14 

Vni.  Manuscript  of  the Escurial,  of  Bologna,  Veletri, 

Rome,  and  Berlin 15 

rX.  Collection  of  Mendoza 19 

X.   Collection  of  Botvu-ini 21 

XI.  Manuscripts  in  Mexico 22 

XH.  Description  of  a  law   suit 22 

Xni.  Manuscript   of  Dresden 24 

XIV.   Copies  of  Mexican  paintings  in  the  royal  library 

at  Pai-is , 24 

CHAPTER  U. 
I.  Comparison  between  tlie  Indian  races  of  the  isl- 
ands, and  the  Mexicans 29 

n.  Velasques  proposes  tlie  conquest  of  Mexico — 

His  difficulty  in  the  choice  of  a  commander. .     30 

ni.  Biographical  notice    of  Hernandez  Cortes 31 

IV.  Cortes  assumes  the  honors  of  his  office  of  Gen- 
eral— Liberally  urges  forward  the  expedition. 
— ^Effiirts  of  his  competitors  to  injure  him  with 
Velasques — Departs  from  St.  Jago  de  Cuba. .     33 
V.  Chief  officers  who  accompanied  Cortes 34 

VI.  Notice  of  Alvai-ado — Olid — Sandoval 35 

Vn.  Velasques   repents   the   appointment   of  Cortes 

and  commands  Verdugo  to  divest  him  of  his 

command 36 

Vni.  Cortes  proceeds  from  Trinidad  to  Havanna — His 
vessel  runs  agi'ound — Alarm  and  discord 
among  the  troops  occasioned  by  his  absence- 
Second  attempt  of  Velasques  to  remove  Cor- 
tes from  the  command 36 

IX.  Cortes  resolves  to  put  to  sea,  against  tlie  orders 

of  tlie  Governor 37 

1* 


VI  CONTENTS. 

X.  His  departure  from  Havanna — Forces  of  the  ex- 
pedition      38 

XI.  Alvarado  arrives  at  Cozumel  before  the  fleet — 
His  imprudent  conduct  there — Is  censui'cd  by 

Cortes 39 

Xn.  Wise  policy  of  Cortes — Treaty  with  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Cozumel — Hears  of  Aquilar  a  Span- 
iard long  among  the  Indians — Casts  down  the 

idols  of  the  natives  and  erects  the  cross 40 

Xin.  Departure  of  the  expedition  from  Cozumel — Re- 
turns on  account  of  one  of  the  vessels  spring- 

ing  aleak — Receives  Aquilar 42 

XrV.  Fleet  arrives  at  Tobasco — Hostility  of  the  na- 
tives— They  are  conquered  and  submit  to  the 

Spanish  crown 43 

XV.  Cortes  leaves  Tobasco  and  aiTives  at  Ulua — Dif- 
ficulty in  communicating  with  the  inhabitants 

— Is  removed  by  a  female  slave 47 

XVT.  Notice  of  Donna  Marina 48 

X\TI.  Message  from  the  Governors  of  the  province — 

Cortes  lands  and  establishes  his  camp 49 

XYin.  Receives  a  visit  from  the  Governors — Demands 
to  be  introduced  to  the  king — Present  from 
Montezuma 50 

XIX.  Mexican   painters   describe  the  Spaniards  and 

their   equipage 51 

XX.  Disquietude  of  Klontezuma — Causes  thereof. ...  52 
XXI.  Embassy  from  Montezuma  to  Cortes — Rich  pre- 
sent— Montezuma  declines  his  visit 53 

XXII.  Cortes  persists  in  his  intention  to  visit  Mexico.     55 

XXIII.  He  seeks  a  more  advantageous  site  for  his  colo- 

ny      55 

XXIV.  Irresolution  of  Montezuma — Peremptorily  pro- 

hibits the  approach  of  Cortes — His  present  for 
the  king  of  Spain 55 

XXV.  Diversity  of  opinion  in  Cortes'  councils 57 

XXVI.  Remonstrance  of  Ordaz — Cortes  consents  to  re- 
turn to  Cuba — Discontent  and  remonstrance  of 

the  army 58 

XXVn.  Cortes  encourages  the  establishment  of  r.  civil 
colony — Resigns  his  office  to  the  civil  chiefs — 
Is  elected  by  the  council  Commander-in-chief 

and    Chief  Justice 60 

XXVlll.  Cortes  arrests  the  leaders  of  Velasques'  faction 

— Conciliates  them 61 

XXIX.  The  Spaniards  are  visited  by  the  Chempoallese 

and  invited  to  their  city 62 

XXX.  The  army  sets  out  for  Chiahuitzla  by  the  Avay 

ofChempoalla 63 

XXXI.  Foundation  of  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz. ...     64 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

XXXn.  Cortes  excites  the  Chempoallese  to  revolt — 
They  imprison  the  collectors  of  the  royal  tri- 
bute's— Duplicity   of  Cortes 64 

XXXIU.   Seven  Spaniards  desire  to  return  to  Cuba — Mis- 
representation of  the  chief  of  Chempoalla. . .     65 
XXXIV.  Indignation  of  Montezuma  appeased  by  the  re- 
port of  his  liberated  officers — New  Embassy- 
Cortes  openly   sustains  the  revolt  of  the  To- 

tonacas 67 

XXXV.  Cortes  destroys  the  idols  of  Chempoalla 68 

XXXYI.  Cortes  receives  a  reinforcement  from  Cuba^ 

The  council  and  himself  address  the  king. . .     70 
XXX\T[.  Conspiracy  among  the  soldiers  to  return  to  Spain 
— Discover}-  and  punishment  of  the  conspira- 
tors      72 

XXX"\TII.  Cortes  proposes  and  obtains  the  destruction  of 

his   ships 73 

XXXIX.  A  vessel  sent  by  Francis  de  Garay,  Governor  of 

Jamaica,  aiTives  on  the  coast. 74 

CHAPTER  ni. 

I.   Cortes  departs  from  Chempoalla 77 

II.  Passes  through  Xocotla — Interview  with  Olintetl 

its  Governor 78 

UL  Sends  embassadors  to  Tlascala,  visits  Ixtacmac- 

tiUan 80 

rV'.  Reception  of  the  embassadors 81 

V.   Debate  of  the  Tlascalan  Senate 82 

\T.  Perfidious   resolution   of  the   Senate — Corabats 

with  the  Tlascalan  forces 83 

Vn.  Treaty  of  peace  with  Tlascala 89 

ym.  Reception  of  the  Spaniards  in  Tlascala 91 

IX.  Transactions  at  Tlascala , 92 

X.  The  army  prepai-es  to  proceed  to  Cholula 94 

XI.  New  embassy  from  Montezuma 96 

Xn.  Arrival  of  the  Spaniards  at  Cholula — Perfidy  and 

slaughter  of  the  inhabitants 96 

Xrn.  Ilv-pocri sy  of  Montezuma 102 

XIV.  The  Mexican  troops  combat  with  Escalante — 

His  Death 102 

XV.  Cortes  resumes  his  march  for  Mexico — ^Avoids 

an  ambuscade  in  the  mountains 103 

X"\T.  The   Spaniards   obtain  their  first  view  of  the 

Vale  of  Mexico 104 

X"STT.  Consternation  of  Montezimia 104 

XVIIl.  Cortes  visits  the  towns  of  Amaqucmecan,  Tlal- 

manalco,  Sec 106 

XIX.  Receives  the  king  of  Tezcueo  at  Ajotzinco. . . .  106 

XX.  Description  of  Cuitlahuac 107 

XXI.  Cortes  visits  Tezcueo 107 


Vlll  CONTEI^TS.  « 

XXIl.  Dcrjcription  of  Iztapalapan 108 

XXIII.  Continuance  of  the  march  to  Mexico  over  tlie 

hike 109 

XXIV.  Interview  between  Cortes  and  Montezuma. ...  110 
XXV.  Cortes  enters  Mexico — Description  of  his  quar- 
ters.   Ill 

CHAPTER  IV. 
I.  Description  of  the  city  of  Mexico 113 

II.  Montezuma's  second  visit  to  Cortes — His  muni- 

ficence— His  speech y 115 

in.  Reply  of  Cortes 117 

[IV.  Cortes  visits  the  kinj^ — Attempts  to  convert  him 

to  the  christian  faith 118 

V.  Visits  the  city  and  its  fortifications 119 

VI.  Apprehensions  of  Cortes— He  resolves  to  seize 

the  king 120 

VII.  Ti'ial  and  execution  of  Quauhpopoco  and  his  of- 
ficers for  resisting  Escalante 125 

VIII.  Motives  of  Cortes'  severity 126 

IX.  InsuiTection  planned  by  Cacamatzin — His  arrest 

— Cortes  builds  vessels  on  the  lake 128 

X.  He  requires  formal  submission  of  the  Mexican 

monarch  and  nobles  to  the  Spanish  cro^\^l. . . .   129 
XI.  Demands  tribute — Division  of  the  treasure  ac- 
quired    129 

Xn.  New  attempt  of  the  Spaniards  to   introduce  the 

christian  faitla 131 

Xin.  The  Mexicans  combine  to  expel  the  Spaniards — 

The  king  requires  their  departure 132 

XIV.  Cortes  is  informed  of  the   arx'ival  of  a  fleet  on 

the  coast — And  that  it  was  sent  by  Velasques.   133 
XV.  An'ival   of  tlie  expedition  under  Nan'aez — His 

Agents  are  made  prisoners  and  sent  to  Cortes.   135 
XVl.  Extraordinary  difficulties  and  resources  of  Cor- 
tes  ^....   137 

XVII.  Narvacz  marches  to  Chempoalla 139 

XVIII.  Cortes  resolves  to  attack  him — Leaves  Alvarado 

in  command  at  Mexico 139 

XIX.  Battle  of  Chempoalla  and  victoiy  over  Narvaez .   141 

CHAPTER  V. 

I.  Cortes  proposes   a  further  exploration  of  the 
countn.- — Is  recalled  to  Mexico  by  the  impi-u- 

dence  of  Alvarado 145 

n.  Return  of  Cortes  to  Mixico — Change  in  the  de- 
portment of  the  Mexicana^His  haughty  con- 
duct to  Montezuma 147 

III.  The   Spaniai'ds   suffer  from    tlie    privation  of 

food US 


CONTENTS.  IX 

IV.  Hostile  attacks  of  the  Mexicans 148 

V.  Death  of  Montezuma — His  qualities 148 

Vi.  Further  combats 151 

Vn.  The  JVoche  Triste^  or  night  retreat  of  Cortes 

from   Mexico 153 

Vm.  Battle  of  Otompan 156 

IX.  Friendly  reception  of  the  Spaniards  in  Tlascala.  159 

X.  Other  Spanish  losses — Policy  of  Cortes 159 

XI.  Discontent  of  the   soldiers  of  Xarraez 160 

XII.  Excursion  against  the  Tepejacans 161 

XIII.  Excursions  against  Quauhquechollan,  Iztoccan 

and  Tochtepec IGl 

XTV.  Cortes  receives  supplies  from  Cuba  and  Jamai- 
ca— His  strength 163 

XV.  Cuitlahuatzin  raised  to  the  throne  of  Mexico— 

His  measures  for  defence 164 

XVL  Death  of  the  new  emperor  and  election  of  Quauh- 

timotzin 166 

X\T^I.  Cortes  advances  to  Tezcuco — Seats  Ixlilcochitl 

on  the  tlirone  of  that  kingdom 166 

IVill.  Cortes  subdues  the  cities  and  states  around  the 

1  lakes 168 

XIX.  Transportation  of  the  brigantines 169 

XX.  Cortes  makes  further  progress  around  the  lake.  170 

XXI.  He  receives  reinforcements  from  Hi  spaniola— 

Launch  of  the  brigantines  upon  tlie  lake. . . .  172 

tXn.  Conspiracy  against  Cortes 178 

li.in.  Cortes  surveys  his  forces — March  for  Mexico- 
Execution  of  Xicotencatl 174 

XrV.  Destruction  of  the   acqueducts  of  Chalpotepec 

— 'Trial  of  the  brigantines 175 

IXV.  Commencement  of  the  siege  of  Mexico 176 

XVI.  Cortes  changes  his  mode  of  attack 182 

IVU.  The  Spaniards  make  a  permanent  lodgement 

within  the  city — Quauhtimotzin  taken  prisoner.  1 83 
Tin.  Surrender  of  the  city 185 

CHAPTER  VI. 

L  Disappointment  of  the  Spaniards  in  relation  to 

the  treasure  found  in  Mexico 188 

II.  Tortui-e  of  Quauhtimotzin  and  the  king  of  Tla- 

copan 188 

U.  General  submission  of  the  provinces 139 

[iV.  Christopher  de  Tapia  appointed  to   supercede 

Cortes — Is  induced  to  return  to  St.  Domingo.   190 
The  proceedings  of  Cortes  are  confirmed  by  the 
Geronymite   Friai's — He  sends  new  deputies 
to  Spain — Is  appointed  Captain  General  and 
Governor  of  Mexico 191 

hn.  His  measures  to  consolidate  his  conquest 193 


CONTENTS. 

• 

Vn.  Subjection  of  the  kingdom  of  Mechoacan 194 

VUI.  Cortes    proposes  to  make   discoveries  in   the 

Southern  Ocean 196 

IX.  Conquests  of  Sandoval 197 

X.  Of  Guatemala  by  Alvarado 198 

XI.  Enterprise  of  De  Gai-ay— Conquest  of  Panuco 

by  Cortes 198 

XII.  Barbarous  execution  perpetrated  by  Sandoval  at 

Panuco 202 

XIII.  Expedition  of  De  Olid  to  Honduras 203 

XIV.  Of  Gil  Gonzales  U'Avila 203 

XV.  Discoveiy  of  Nicai*agaa 204 

XVI.  Gonzales  enters  Honduras 206 

XVII.  He  prepares  a  neAv  expedition 207 

XVIII.  Entei-prise  of  Francisco  Hernandez  to  Cordova 

under  the  direction  of  Pedrarias 207 

XIX.  Conflict  between  Hernandez  and  Gonzales. . . .  207 

XX.  Hernandez  is  put  to  death  by  Pedrarias 208 

XXI.  Las  Casasis  sent  by  Cortes  to  pimish  the  defec- 
tion of  De  Olid— Death  of  De  Olid. 209 

XXII.  Resolution  of  Cortes  to  proceed  to  Honduras. .  210 

XXm.  State   of  Mexico 211 

XXIV.  Preparations  of  Cortes  for  his  joui'ney 21 1 

XXV.  Present  from  Cortes  to  the  emperor 212 

XXVI.  His  joui-ney  to  Honduras 213 

XXVII.  He  puts  Quauhtimotzin  and   the  otlier  Indian 

kings  to  death '213 

XXVni.  His  proceedings  at  Hondui\is Jl  5  I 

XXIX.  Dissensions  in  Mexico 'J15 

XXX.  Indecision  of  Cortes — His  return  to  Mexico. .  21Q(i 

CHAPTER  vn. 

I.  Malicious  efforts  of  the  enemies  of  Cortes. . . .  219 
n.  Arrival  of  the  Licentiate  Ponce  de  Leon  to  inves- 
tigate his  conduct 

in.  Instructions  given  to  De  Leon 

IV.  Death  of  De  Leon — Succeeded  by  Marcos  de 

Aguilar 

V.  Death  of   Aguilar — Appointment   of   Estrada, 
Sandoval   is  joined  v,\\h  him,  his  ungrateful 

treatment  of  Cortes 

VI.  Violent  proceedings  in  Spain  against  Cortes. . . . 

VII.  Cortes  resolves  to  return  to  Spain 

VUI.  His  wealtli  imported  into  that  kingdom — Death 

'  of  Sandoval 

TX.  Reception  of  Cortes  in  Spain 

X.  The  king  refuses  to  re-appoint  him  Governor  of 

Mexico 

XI.  Proceedings  of  the  Audicncia  of  New  Spain 


CONTENTS.  XI 

XII.  Return  of  Cortes  to  Mexico — Hi3  prudent  con- 
duct  232 

XIII.  Proceedings  of  the  Second  Audiencia 232 

XIV.  Expeditions  sent  by  Cortes  into  the  South  Sea.  233 
XV.  Sails  himself,  on  a  voyage  of  discovery 234 

XYI.  Dispatches  an  expedition  under  De  Ulloa 235 

XVII.  Cortes  revisits  Spain— His  Death 236 

XIX.  Subjection  of  the  provinces  of  Honduras  and 

Nicaragua 240 

XX.  Of  Guatemala,   and  the  proceeedings  of  Alva- 

rado 244 

XXI.  Proceedings  of  Nuno  de  Gusman 248 

XXII,  Expedition  of  Montejo  to  Yucatan 250 

XXIII.  Unfortunate  expedition  of  NaiTaez 251 

XXIV.  Appointment  of  the  viceroy  Mendoza 252 

XXV.  Condition  of  the  Mexican  people,  after  the 

conquest.  I ..••••  253 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 


[.  Of  the  kinguages  of  America — General  and 
improved  character ""W.  Diversity  of  langua- 
ges  in  Anahuac — Of  the  Mexican  language* "' 
III.  Mexican  eloquence  and  poetry  ""YV.  Mexi- 
can picture  icriting — General  character "^Y, 
Mexican  forms  of  manuscripts  •  •  •  •  VI.  Contents 
of  the  manuscripts  destroyed  by  the  Missiona- 
ries .  •  •  .y II.  Collections  of  original  manuscripts 
— Character —  QuippuS" •  .VIII.  Manuscript  of 
the  Escuricd, of  Bologna^  Veletri,  Bome,  Vienna^ 
and  Berlin — IX.  Collection  of  Mendoza*"-X, 
Collection  of  Boturini-'"Xl.  Manuscripts  in 
Mexico ""Xl\.  Description!  of  a  law-suit' »" 
XIII.  Manuscript  at  Dresden- •"XIY.  Copies 
of  Mexican  jjaintings  in  the  Royal  Library,  at 
Paris, 

I.  The  language  of  every  aboriginal  nation  of 
America  appears,  so  far  as  it  has  been  examined, 
to  be  framed  upon  a  model  essentially  different,  in 
its  grammatical  forms,  from  that,  which  prevails  on 
the  old  continent.  This  difference  consists,  in  the 
extraordinary  compound  of  words,  comprising 
many  ideas,  which  it  admits;  and  in  the  great  order 
which  prevails  in  its  construction.  From  the  first 
feature  it  has  received  tlie  name  of  poly  synthetic, 
2 


2  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  I. 

and  from  the  second  that  of  syntactic*  These  pe- 
culiarities are  discoverable,  in  the  North,  in  the 
Karalit,  or  language  of  Greenland,  and  the  Eski- 
maux,  and  in  that  of  the  Delaware,  and  the  Iro- 
quoisj  in  Central  America,  in  that  of  the  Poclion- 
chi,  the  language  of  Guatemala;  in  that  of  the 
Mexican  proper,  the  Tarascan,  the  Mextican,  and 
even  the  Ottomic,  the  least  civilized  of  the  tribes 
of  Anahuac;  and  in  South  America,  in  the  Carrib- 
bean  and  Auracanian  languages,  spoken  bj  tribes 
dwelling  at  its  two  extremities.  This  extraordi- 
nary mode  of  compounding  locutions,  is  not  con- 
fined to  joining  two  words  together,  as  in  the  Greek, 
or  varying  the  inflection,  or  radical  word,  as  in 
most  European  languages;  but  it  admits  the  inter- 
weaving of  the  most  significant  sounds,  or  syllables, 
of  simple  words,  thereby  forming  a  compound, 
awakening  at  once,  in  the  mind,  all  the  ideas  ex- 
pressed by  the  words  from  which  they  are  taken; 
and  an  analogous  combination  of  the  various  parts 
of  speech,  particularly  by  means  of  the  verb,  so 
that,  its  various  forms  and  inflections  express  not 
only  the  principal  action,  but  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  moral  ideas  and  physical  objects  con- 
nected with  it,  and  combine,  to  the  greatest  ex- 
tent, those  conceptions  which  are  the  subject  of 
other  parts  of  speech,  and  in  other  languages  re- 
quire to  be  expressed  in  distinct  words. t    Thus  a 

•  The  reader  will  obtain  a  very  satisfactory  idea  of  the  Indian 
languages,  by  reading  the  able  and  lucid  report  of  Mr.  Dupon- 
ceau,  to  the  Historical  committee  of  the  Philosophical  Society, 
and  the  very  interesting  correspondence  between  that  gentleman 
and  the  late  venerable  Mr.  HeckeM'elder,  of  Bethlehem,  pub- 
lished in  the  transactions  of  that  committee  in  1819.  And  he 
may  find  much  instruction  on  this  subject  in  the  JMithri dates, 
oder  AUegemeine  Spracfienhitnde  of  Adelung,  and  "\'"ater.  Ber- 
lin, 1806. — 1817.  4  vol.  Mr.  Uunonceau  has  given  the  names 
polysynthetic  and  syntactic,  and  tliey  are  most  appropriately 
given,  to  the  Indian  languages. 

t  Diiponceau,  ibid. 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  3 

word  is  made  to  express,  the  agent,  the  action  w'rth 
its  accidents  of  time,  place,  and  quality,  and  the 
object  aftected  by  them.  With  these  admirable 
qualities,  the  American  languages,  so  far  from  being 
*'  limited,  and  so  scarce  of  words,  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  express  any  metaphysical  idea  in  them,"  as 
M.  De  Pauw  has  asserted,  are  rich  in  words,  sono- 
rous, plastic,  and  comprehensive,  and  possess  pow- 
er to  convey  all  the  metaphysical  mysteries  of  the 
christian  systems.  In  speaking  of  the  American 
languages.  Baron  A.  Humboldt  remarks,*  "that 
even  such  as  have  the  same  difference  with  each 
other,  as  the  languages  of  Germanic  origin,  the 
Celtic  and  Sciavonian,  bear  a  certain  analogy,  in 
the  whole  of  their  organization;  for  instance,  in 
the  complication  of  grammatical  forms,  in  the  modi- 
fication of  the  verb  according  to  the  nature  of  its 
syntax,  and  in  the  number  of  the  additive  particles, 
the  affixa  and  snffixa.  This  uniform  tendency  of 
the  idioms,  betrays  if  not  a  community  of  origin, 
at  least,  a  great  analogy,  in  the  intellectual  dispo- 
sitions of  the  American  tribes,  from  Greenland  to 
the  Magellanic  regions." 

"AVhen,"  says  Mr.  Duponceau,  ''we  cast  our 
eyes  for  the  first  time  on  the  original  structure  of 
the  languages  of  the  American  Indians,  and  con- 
sider the  numerous  novel  forms,  with  which  they 
abound,  it  is  impossible  to  resist  the  impression 
that  forces  itself  upon  us,  that  we  are  among  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants  of  a  new  ivorld.  We  find  a 
new  manner  of  compounding  words  from  various 
roots,  so  as  to  strike  the  mind  at  once  with  a  whole 
mass  of  ideas; — a  new  manner  of  expressing  the 
case  of  the  substantives  by  inflecting  the  verbs 
which  govern  them; — a  new  number,  (the  particu- 
lar plural,)  applied  to  the  declension  of  nouns,  and 

•  Researches,  Introduction,  Vol.  1. 


4  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I.  . 

conjugation  of  verbs:  a  new  concordance  in  tense 
of  the  conjunction  with  the  verb;  we  see  not  only 
pronouns,  as  in  the  Hebrew,  and  some  other  lan- 
guages, but  adjectives,  conjunctions,  and  adverbs, 
combined  with  the  principal  part  of  speech,  produ- 
cing; an  immense  variety  of  verbal  forms."* 

The  number  of  languages  in  America,  in  a  popu- 
lation scarce  exceeding  thirty  millions,  is  said  to 
amount  to  several  hundred.  But  it  has  already 
been  discovered,  that  many,  supposed  to  be  distinct 
languages,  are  merely  dialects  of  one,  which  the 
configuration  of  the  soil,  or  the  apprehensions  of 
the  mountaineers  under  the  tropics,  of  exposing 
themselves  to  the  burning  heat  of  the  plains,  have 
contributed  to  multiply.  And  in  the  constitution 
of  this  great  number,  languages  are  regarded  as 
diiFerent,  which  bear  the  same  affinity  to  each  other, 
not  as  the  German  and  the  Dutch,  the  Italian  and 
the  Spanish,  but  as  the  Danish  and  the  German, 
the  Chaldean  and  the  Arabic,  the  Greek  and  the 
Latin.  As  the  labyrinth  of  idioms  is  penetrated, 
it  is  apparent,  that  several  are  susceptible  of  being 
classed  by  families;  a  still  greater  number  however 
remain  insulated  like  the  Biscayan,  among  the 
Europeans,  and  the  Japanese  among  Asiatic  lan- 
guages. This  separation,  may  be  apparent  only, 
and  those  which  now  have  an  independent  rank 
may,  on  further  examination,  prove  to  be  connect- 
ed with  others. t 

The  diversity  of  languages  in  Anahuac,  was  very 
considerable.  Some  of  these  were  radically  diffe- 
rent from  each  other,  but  the  greater  portion,  we 
believe,  were  mere  dialects  of  extensively  perva- 
ding tongues.  Grammars  and  dictionaries  are  said 
to  have  been  given  of  seventeen,  but  of  others,  no 

*  Trans.  Hist,   committee,  American  Philosophical  Society, 
xxxvii. 
t  Humboldt's  Researches,  luU-oduction. 


CH.   I.  MEXICO.  5 

methodical  account  has  yet  been  published.  The 
Mexican  language,  however,  was  the  most  preva- 
lent; being  understood  and  spoken  every  where; 
and  was  proper  to  the  Chechemecan,  Toltecan, 
Acolhuan,  and  Aztec  races. 

II.  This  language  wants  the  consonants,  B,  D, 
F,  G,  R,  and  S,  and  abounds  with  L,  X,  T,  Z,  Tl, 
Tz :  but  though  the  letter  L  is  very  frequently  used, 
it  never  occurs  at  the  commencement  of  a  word. 
No  words,  except  some  vocatives,  have  an  acute 
termination;  almost  all  have  the  penult  syllable 
long;  the  aspirates  moderate  and  soft,  and  the  pro- 
nunciation is  never,  necessarily,  nasal.  Notwith- 
standing the  curtailment  of  the  alphabet,  the  lan- 
guage is  copious,  polished,  and  expressive;  and 
many  Europeans  who  have  mastered  its  idioms, 
have  preferred  it  above  the  Greeks  certainly  not 
without  reason  w^hen,  its  plastic  genius  is  con- 
sidered. Its  copiousness  is  apparent,  from  the 
natural  history  of  Hernandez,  who  for  a  descrip- 
tion of  twelve  hundred  plants,  more  than  two  hun- 
dred species  of  birds,  a  great  number  of  quadru- 
peds, reptiles,  insects,  and  minerals,  found  in  it 
distinct  proper  names.  Nor  w^as  it  less  rich  in 
terms  for  metaphysical  ideas.  The  highest  myste- 
ries of  religion  are  expressed  in  it  without  the  aid 
of  foreign  words. 

Acosta  wonders  that  the  Mexicans  having  an 
idea  of  a  Supreme  Being,  Creator  of  heaven  and 
earth,  had  not  a  word  to  express  it,  equivalent  to 
the  Dios  of  the  Spaniards,  Bcus  of  the  Romans, 
Theos  of  the  Greeks,  El  of  the  Hebrews,  and  the 
Ala  of  the  Arabs;  for  want  of  which,  he  says,  the 
missionaries  were  compelled  to  use  the  Spanish 
word  Dios.  But  the  worthy  father  overlooked  the 
word  TeotU  not  less  similar  in  sense  than  in  sound 
to  the  word  Theos,  which  excessive  delicacy  of  the 
preachers  who  caused  the  destruction  of  the  histo- 
2* 


6  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I.  • 

rical  paintings,  led  them  to  reject;  lest  its  use 
should  revive  the  superstition  of  their  converts. 
These  pious  pastors  neglected  in  this  instance  the 
example  of  their  great  prototype  St.  Paul,  who  in 
his  mission  to  the  Gentiles,  unhesitatingly  adopted 
the  Theos  of  the  Greeks;  causing  it  thenceforward 
to  signify  a  Supreme,  Eternal  and  infinitely  perfect 
Being.  Many  theologians,  however,  who  have 
written  in  Mexican,  have  used  the  word  Teotl,  as 
well  as  the  words,  Tloqiic, Nahuaque^  Ipalnemoani, 
and  other  terms  which  the  Mexicans  applied  to 
the  invisible  God. 

Like  the  Hebrew  and  French,  the  Mexican  lan- 
guage wants  the  superlative  term;  and  like  the  Hebrew 
and  most  of  the  living  languages  of  Europe,  the  com- 
parative term,  which  are  supplied  by  particles  equi- 
valent to  those  used  in  the  modern  European  tongues. 
It  abounds, more  than  the  Tuscan, in  diminutives  and 
augmentives;  and  more  than  the  Engllsli  in  verbal  and 
abstract  terms;  for  there  is  scarce  a  verb  from  which 
there  are  not  many  nouns,  and  scarce  a  substantive 
or  adjective,  from  which  tliere  are  not  some  abstracts 
formed.  The  power  of  the  verbs,  in  combination 
with  other  parts  of  speech,  as  in  other  Indian  lan- 
guages, is  uncommonly  great.  Thus,  Chi/ma,  is 
to  do;  Chichihua,  to  do  with  diligoice,  or  often; 
Chihinlia^  to  do  to  another:  Chihualtia,  to  cause 
to  he  done;  Chihitatmh,  to  go  to  do;  Chihiiaco,  to 
come  to  do;  Chiutiuh,  to  be  doing,  ^-c.  ••     "The 

*  The  analog}'  which  prevails  in  the  constmction  of  Indian 
languages,  very  variant  in  other  particulars,  ami  spoken  hy  races 
•widely  distant  from  each  other,  Mill  he  very  sti-iking,  hy  com- 
l)aring  the  following  instances  of  the  compound  verbs  with  simi- 
lar verbs  of  the  Mexicans.  The  Abbe  Molina  infoniis  us  amidst 
a  number  of  compound  words  of  the  Jlrmicaninn  language,  spo- 
ken on  the  extreme  S.  W.  coast  of  South  America,  tliat,  "?V/7<- 
O7icloclavin"  means  "  I  do  not  -ivish  to  cat  tvit/i  /lirn,"  and  Mr. 
Heckewelder  gives  us  "  7i''sc/iiri^hv!po>na,^''  a  compound  verb  of 
the  Delaware  language,  expri ssing,  "  J  do  not  like  to  cat  with 
him."  [Trans.  Hist.  Cora.  Am.  Phil.  Soc]     Mr.  Dnponceau,  in 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  7 

verb  among  the  Indians  is  truly  the  word  by  way 
of  excellence."'*^ 

The  style  of  address  in  the  Mexican  language 
varies,  according  to  the  rank  of  the  person,  with 
whom,  or  about  wliom,  the  conversation  is  holden, 
by  adding  to  the  nouns,  verbs,  prepositions  and  ad- 
verbs, certain  particles  expressive  of  respect.  Thus, 
7\tflimeAns father;  Amotta,  yourfatherj  Amotzin^ 
your  wortliy  father.  Tleco  is  to  ascend.  If  one 
commands  his  servant  to  ascend  a  certain  place,  he 
says  simply  Xitleco;  but  if  he  ask  this  of  some 
respectable  person,  he  will  say,  Ximotlicahui: 
and  if  he  wishes  to  be  still  more  ceremonious  and 
respectful,  MaxiinotUcahuitzino.  This  variety 
beautifying  and  polishing  the  language,  does  not, 
however,  render  it  difficult  to  be  spoken;  because 
it  is  subjected  to  fixed  and  easy  rules,  and  is 
extremely  regular  and  methodical. 

commenting  on  the  Indian  languages,  says,  "  Nor  are  the  parti- 
ciples less  copious.  Every  verb  has  a  long  series  of  participles, 
Avhich  Avhen  necessary  can  be  declined  and  ised  as  adjectives." 
And  he  instances  the  following  from  the  causative  Delaware 
verb  Wulamalessohen,  to  make  happv.  WulamalessohaZz/wecf, 
lie  -vho  makes  happy.  Wulamalessoha//c/,  he  ivho  makes  me  Aop- 
py.  Wularaalessohalge/o^,  he  tvho  makes  thee  happy.  Wulama- 
lessohala^,  he  ivlio  makes  him  happy.  Wulamalessohal- 
qnetik,  he  ~ivho  makes  us  happy.  Wulamalessohalgz/et'A',  he 
ivho  makes  yon  happy.  WaVAnvAlL^ssohalgn/ehtit,  he  xvho  makes 
tlu-m  happy.  "  Now  comes,"  ^Ir.  D.  continues,  "  another  par- 
ticipial pronominal  vocative  form,  which  may  in  the  same  man- 
ner be  conjugated  through  all  the  objective  persons.  Wulamales- 
i^ohalian,  thou  who  makest  Jiie  happy, ''^  &c.  "  What,"  exclaims 
Mr.  D.,  with  amiable  enthusiasm,  "  would  Tibullus  or  Sappho, 
have  given  to  have  had  at  their  command,  a  v»ord  at  once  so 
tender,  and  so  expressive?  How  delighted  would  be  Moore,  the 
poet  of  the  loves  and  graces,  if  his  language,  instead  of  five  or  six 
tedious  words,  slowly  following  in  the  rear  of  each  other,  had 
furnished  him  Avith  an  expression  like  this,  in  which  the  lover, 
the  object  belovexl,  and  the  delicious  sentiment  A\hich  their  mu- 
tual passion  inspires  are  blended,  are  fused  together  in  one  com- 
prehensive appellative  term?  And  it  is  in  tlie  languages  of  sa- 
vages that  these  beautiful  forms  are  found!  Wiiat  a  subject  for 
reflection,  and  how  little  do  Ave  know,  as  yet,  of  tlie  astouislung 
things  that  the  world  contains!" 

*  D'^.pnnp^nTi's  cnjT'^^i^-i'Vrc?  with  H'^oVnw^M'^r. 


6  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   I. 

In  their  compounds,  the  Mexicans  do  not,  like  tlie 
Greeks,  employ  the  simple  words,  entire,  but  after 
the  manner  we  have  already  noticed,  select  dis- 
criminating syllables  or  letters.  Thus  Tlazotli  sig- 
nifies valued  or  lovecL  Mahuitztic,  honoured  or  re- 
vered; Tespixqui,  priest;  and  the  last  is  a  compound 
of  Teotl,  God  and  the  verb  Pia^  to  hold,  ^uard  or 
keep^  TatU  is  father,  as  we  have  just  said.  To 
write  the  five  words  in  one,  they  take  away  eight 
consonants  and  four  vowels,  and  say,  Notlazoma- 
huitzteopixcatalzin,  "  my  very  worthy  father,  or 
revered  priest."  A  word  of  this  kind  is  common, 
and  is  not  the  longest;  there  are  some  which  have 
fifteen  or  sixteen  syllables.  These  compounds  are 
resorted  to  for  definition  or  description;  and  are 
beneficially  employed  in  naming  animals,  plants, 
and  places  whose  names  occur  frequently  in  histo- 
ry; indicating  always,  in  the  last  case,  the  situa- 
tion, or  property,  or  action,  connected  with  them. 
Many  of  the  expressions  are  so  strong,  that  their 
sense  cannot  be  rendered  more  vivid,  and  this  is 
particularly  the  case,  on  the  subject  of  love. 

III.  With  a  language  so  pliant  and  comprehen- 
sive, the  arts  of  poetry  and  eloquence  would  seem 
to  be  inseparably  allied;  and  they  were  much  che- 
rished by  the  Mexicans.  Persons  destined  to  be 
orators,  were  carefully  instructed  in  elocution, 
from  their  infancy;  and  taught  to  study  and  re- 
peat the  most  celebrated  orations  of  their  ancestors. 
Their  art  was  chiefly  employed  in  the  national 
councils,  in  congratulatory  addresses  to  their  prin- 
ces, and  in  embassies  to  foreign  or  subject  states. 
Their  discourses  were  commonly  judicious,  adapt- 
ed to  the  occasion,  and  oftimes  elegant:  and  even 
when  oppressed  and  abased  by  political  and  domes- 
tic slavery,  the  propriety  and  force  of  their  public 
harangues,  excited  the  admiration  of  their  oppres- 
sors. 


CH.   I.  MEXICO.  9 

But  their  poets,  we  are  told,  outnumbered  their 
orators;  and  tlieir  compositions  were  remarkable 
for  the  attention  ^iven  to  cadence  and  measure. 
So  carefully  indeed,  were  these  qualities  regarded, 
that  the  jSIexican,  sometimes,  ran  into  the  vic€  of 
more  civilized  nations,  sacrificing  sense  to  sound, 
by  the  frequent  introduction  of  words,  for  the  sake 
of  euphony  alone.  The  language  of  their  poetry 
was  commonly  brilliant  and  pure,  figurative  and 
agreeable;  and  its  subject  embellished,  by  compa- 
risons with  the  most  pleasing  objects  in  nature.  It 
was  in  song,  too,  that  they  chiefly  used  their  com- 
pound terms,  of  which  a  single  one  sometimes  ex- 
tended through  the  longest  verse. 

The  scope  of  poetical  composition  was  as  wide  as 
among  the  most  civilized  nations.  In  the  temples 
and  the  sacred  dances,  the  priests  hymned  the  prai- 
ses of  the  gods;  at  their  feasts  they  sang  the  victo- 
ries of  the  nation,  the  glorious  deeds  of  its  heroes, 
the  ti'iumphs  of  love  and  the  pleasure  of  the  chase; 
and  in  their  didactic  poems,  they  conveyed  lessons 
of  morality  and  the  arts.  The  priests,  who  were 
the  chief  poets,  taught  their  compositions  to  their 
pupils,  and  by  this  means  strengthened  and  main- 
tained their  power  over  the  nation.  We  have  al- 
ready recorded  the  taste  and  skill  of  the  royal  Ne- 
zahualcojotl,  in  the  joyous  science.  His  example 
excited  his  subjects  to  cultivate  it,  and  multiplied 
the  number  of  poets  at  his  court;  and  we  have  a 
signal  instance  of  the  poM' er  of  song,  in  disarming 
the  stern  and  cruel  justice  which  distinguished  that 
prince.  It  is  related,  that  a  bard,  condemned  to 
die  for  some  crime,  composed  an  ode  in  prison, 
taking  leave  of  the  world  so  pathetically,  that  it 
moved  the  king  to  continue  him  longer  in  it. 

The  Drama,  the  sister  art  of  Poesy,  was  not  un- 
known; and  Boturini  has  spoken  in  terms  of  high 
praise,  probably  much  too  nigh,  of  the   Mexican 


10  HSTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I. 

dramatic  productions.  The  description  of  Acosta, « 
however,  has  greater  probability;  and  he  paints  the 
amusements  ot"  a  semi-civilized  people.  In  the  tem- 
ple of  Quetzalcoatl,  at  Cholula,  (and  in  other  teo- 
callis,)  was  a  small  theatre,  thirty  feet  square,  cu- 
riously whitened,  adorned  with  green  boughs  and 
fitted  up  with  great  neatness;  surrounded  by  arches 
of  flowers  and  feathers,  among  which  were  placed 
birds,  rabbits,  and  other  pleasing  natural  objects. 
Around  this  stage  the  spectators  collected  in  the 
after  part  of  the  day,  to  enjoy  the  mimicry  of  the 
actors;  some  of  whom,  counterfeiting  the  sick,  the 
deaf,  the  halt,  and  the  blind,  appeared  in  the  temple 
to  petition  the  Gods  to  alleviate  their  miseries,  and 
produced  much  mirth  by  theplay  of  cross  purposes, 
and  the  ludicrous  representation  of  their  assumed 
infirmities;  some  disguised  as  beetles,  toads,  lizards, 
and  other  animals,  encountering  each  other,  recip- 
rocally explained  their  employments,  and  filled 
their  characters  with  considerable  ingenuity;  boys 
metamorphosed  into  butterflies  and  birds  of  various 
hues,  mounted  upon  trees,  at  whom  the  priests 
threw  small  balls  of  earth  with  their  slings,  occa- 
sioning comical  incidents,  which  gave  much  delight 
to  the  spectators.  These  spectacles  were  exhibited 
only  on  high  festivals  and  always  terminated  in  a 
dance,  wherein  the  players  and  the  audience  inter- 
mingled.* These  scenes  remind  us  of  the  first  dra- 
matic essays  of  the  Greeks.  Had  the  Mexican 
empire  continued  a  century  or  two  longer,  their  dra- 
matic art  might  have  attained  admirable  proficiency. 
The  first  Christian  missionaries  availed  them- 
selves of  the  love  of  the  Mexicans  for  poetry  and 
music,  to  inculcate  the  lessons  of  the  faith.  The 
Franciscan  monk  Sagahun,  composed  in  pure  and 
elegant  Mexican,  a  hymn  for  cacli  day  of  tiie  year; 

*  Acosta.  Stor.  Nat.  e  Mor.  delle  Indie,  lib.  v.  chap.  29. 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  11 

and  the  Indian  converts,  many  others  in  praise  of 
the  true  God. 

IV.  The  most  extraordinary  circumstance  con- 
nected with  the  races  inhabiting  Anahuac,  was  the 
system  for  preserving  and  transmitting  knowledge; 
the  picture  writing  common  to  the  Toltec,Cheche- 
mecan,  Aztec,  and  other  races.  No  satisfactory 
evidence  has  yet  connected  this  system  with  any 
other;  and  it  would  seem  to  be,  wholly  of  Ameri- 
can origin.  The  first  effort  to  convey  ideas  by  vi- 
sible and  permanent  si^ns,  was,  certainly,  in  rude 
copies  of  the  outlines  ot  sensible  objects.  Such  was, 
and  still  is,  the  utmost  skill  of  the  unlettered  sa- 
vage of  the  North  American  wilds,  in  representing 
the  triumphs  of  war,  or  the  chase.  The  next  was 
by  conventional  application  of  such  drawings  or  of 
parts  thereof,  to  definite  objects,  and  in  an  allego- 
rical sense;  still  preserving,  however,  some  analogy 
between  the  thing  and  its  representative.  The  third 
step  was  the  invention  of  arbitrary  symbols,  be- 
tween which  and  the  object  designated,  there  was 
no  visible  relation.  The  fourth,  and  most  perfect,  was 
the  phonetic  character,  representing  sounds,  first 
syllabic,  and  afterwards  univocal.  The  writing  of 
the  Mexicans,  was  composed  of  all  these  modes  of 
representation,  chiefly,  however,  of  the  first,  and 
having  very  little  of  the  last.  The  collections, 
improperly  called  American  manuscripts,  contain 
a  great  number  of  paintings,  which  may  be  inter- 
preted or  explained,  like  the  sculptures  on  the  Tra- 
jan column,  but  few  characters  susceptible  of  being 
read.  These  form  the  chief  subjects  of  the  pic- 
tures in  the  collection  of  Mendoza,  published  by 
Purchas,  in  the  fragment  of  the  Vienna  collection, 
engraved  by  Dr.  Robertson,  and  in  the  annexed 
engraving  representing  a  law-suit  tried  subsequent 
to  the  conquest.  The  conventional  application  of 
portions  of  the  paintings  to  a  definite  object  is  ex- 


IS  IIISTOliy  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   I. 

emplified  by  the  symbols  of  tlie  day, night, midnight, 
year,  century,  water,  earth, &:c.  and  the  perfectly  ar- 
bitrary symbol,  by  the  numerical  signs:  and  this  last 
symbol  seems  to  have  been  sometimes  systemati-. 
cally  used,  and  to  have  formed  symbolical  writings 
not  less  regular  than  those  of  Egypt.  Although  the 
Mexicans  were  wholly  deficient  in  signs  for  smiple 
sounds,  they  had  a  species  of  phonetic  symbol 
which  indicated  relations,  not  only  with  things,  but 
with  the  words  spoken.  Thus  the  names  of  indi- 
viduals, of  cities  and  mountains,  having  generally 
some  allusion  to  objects  that  strike  the  senses,  have 
enabled  the  Aztecs  to  write  them,  by  signs  which 
indicate  at  once  the  words  composing  them.  The 
verbal  translation  of  Axajacatl,  \^  face  of  water-,  that 
of  Ilhuicamina,  arroiv  zchich  pierces  the  sky;  there- 
fore, to  represent  the  kings  Montezuma  Ilhuicamina, 
and  Axajacatl,  the  painter  united  the  hieroglyphics 
of  water  and  sky,  to  the  figure  of  a  head  and  of  an 
arrow.  The  names  of  the  cities  ]Mahuilxochitl, 
Quauchtinchan,  and  Tehuilojacan,  signify,  Jive 
/lowers,  house  of  the  eagle,  and  place  of  mirrors; 
to  indicate  which  they  painted  a  fiower,  placed  on 
five  points,  a  house  whence  issued  the  head  of  an 
eagle,  and  a  mirror  of  obsidian.  *^ 

V.  The  Mexican  paintings  which  have  been  pre- 
served, have  a  great  resemblance,  not  with  the  hi- 
eroglyphical  writings  of  the  Egyptians,  but  with 
the  rolls  of  Papyrus  found  in  the  swathings  of  the 
mummies,  which  may  be  considered  paintings  of  a 
mixed  kind,  uniting  symbolical  and  isolated  charac- 
ters with  the  representation  of  an  action.  The 
Ejryptians  used  more  freely,  the  simple  hierogly- 
phic. But  notwithstanding  the  imperfection  of  tne 
American  sij;ns,  the  paintings  were  good  substi- 
tutes for  books,  manuscripts,  and  alphabetical  cha- 

•  Clav.  b.  7.  Humboldt's  Researches,  vol.  1,  pi.  xiii. 


roL/i. 


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CH.  I.  MEXICO.  13 

ractcrs.     The  facility  with  which  the  artists  made 
the  paper  of  maguey,  contributed  to  render  the 
practice  of  painting  very  common  among  them. 
Their  figures  were  not  traced  on  separate  leaves, 
nor  were  the  substances  on  which  they  were  paint- 
ed formed  into  rolls,  but  were  folded  in  a  zig-zag 
form,  somewhat  after  the  mode  now  used  for  put- 
ting up  maps.     Tv*'o  tablets  of  light  wood  were 
pasted  at  the  ends,  one  at  the  top  and  the  other  at 
the  bottom,   which  gave  the  volume  a  strong  re- 
semblance to  our  bound  books.     But  on  opening 
the  Mexican  manuscripts,  as  we  do  our  books,  we 
see  only  half  the  characters  at  the  same  time,  being 
those  painted  on  the  same  side  of  the  skin  or  paper. 
To  examine  all  the  pages,   if  that  name  may  be 
given  to  the  folds  of  a  band,  often  forty  feet  long, 
we  must  extend  the  whole  sheet  from  the  left  to 
the  right,  and  then  from  the  right  to  the  left.     In 
this  respect  the  Mexican  paintings  are  similar  to 
the  Siamese  manuscripts,  preserved  in  the  public 
library    at    Paris.*      In   a    Mexican    book,     the 
painter    or    writer    might    commence    at    either 
angle   of  the   great   sheet;  but   if,    at   the   upper 
angle  on  the  right,  he  proceeded  towards  the  left; 
if  at  the  upper  angle  on  the  left,  which  was  most 
common,  he  continued  straight  downward;  if  at 
the  left  lower  angle,   he  progressed  towards  the 
right;  if  at  the  right  lower  angle,  he  proceeded  up- 
wards; so  that,  on  the  upper  part  of  the  sheet,  he 
never  painted  from  left  to  right,  nor  on  the  lower 
part  from  right  to  left;  and  never  mounted  from 
the  left,   nor  descended  by  the  right.     With  this 
understanding,  all  difficulty  in  pursuing  the  sub- 
ject, by  the  reader,  is  obviated. t 

VI.  The  volumes  which  the  first  missionaries  of 
Spain  collected,  but  to  destroy,  consisted  of  histo- 
rical annals,  rituals  indicating  tjie  periods  of  reli- 
•  Humboldt's  Reaearchea,  ib.        t  Cla\-igGro,  vol.  I. 
3 


14  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I. 

gious  sacrifices,  cosmogonical  and  astrological  re- 
presentations, documents  relative  to  law-suits,  and 
the  divisions  of  lands,  lists  of  tribute  payable  to 
the  crovvn,  genealogical  tables,  bj  which  the  de- 
scent of  property  was  determined,  calendars  show- 
ing the  intercalations  of  the  civil  and  religious 
year,  and  the  representations  of  the  pains  and  pen- 
alties which  the  law  inflicted  on  crimes. 

VII.  M.  de  Humboldt  says,  that  his  travels  in 
Europe  and  America  gave  him  an  opportunity  of 
inspecting  a  greater  number  of  Mexican  paintings 
than  any  other  author,  who  since  Boturini  has  writ- 
ten upon  the  monuments  of  ancient  civilization  in  the 
New  World,  and  that,  the  resemblance  between  those 
which  he  saw,  at  Veletri,  at  Rome,  at  Bologna,  at 
Vienna,  and  at  Mexico,  was  so  great,  tliat  they 
seemed,  copies  of  each  other.  They  are  all  extreme- 
ly incorrect  in  the  outlines,  but,  display  a  scrupu- 
lous attention  to  detail,  and  great  strength  of  colour- 
ing, wliich  is  so  used  as  to  produce  the  most  stri- 
king contrasts.  The  figures  are  in  general  dwarf- 
ish in  the  body,  like  those  of  the  Etruscan  reliefs, 
but  in  correctness  of  drawing  are  far  inferior  to  the 
most  imperfect  paintings  of  the  Hindoos,  the  Chi- 
nese, the  Japanese,  or  the  people  of  Thibet.  We 
behold  in  the  Mexican  paintings  enormous  heads, 
with  very  short  bodies,  and  feet,  which  from  the 
length  of  the  toes,  look  like  the  claws  of  a  bird. 
All  this  denotes  the  infancy  of  the  art;  but  we 
must  remember,  that  in  this  picture  writing,  the 
learned  priests  of  Mexico,  attached  as  little  merit 
to  correct  drawing  in  their  labours,  as  the  literati 
of  more  civilized  countries,  to  a  fine  hand  writing 
in  their  manuscripts.* 

The  frequent  use  of  mixed  hieroglyphic  paintings, 
must  contribute  to  spoil  the  taste  of  a  nation  thus 

•  Humboldt's  Rosearchee  ib. 


Vol.  S 


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en.  I.  MEXICO.  15 

familiarized  with  hideous    figures,   and   incorrect 
forms.     To  represent  a  monarch,  who  at  a  certain 
period  had  conquered  a  neighbouring  nation,  the 
Egyptian,  in  the  perfection  of  his  writing,  ranged 
in  the  same  line  a  small  number  of  isolated  charac- 
ters, formed  after  inanimate  objects,  expressive  of 
the  full  series  of  his  ideas:  The  Mexican  to  express 
the  same  thing,  painted  a  king  armed,  overthrow- 
ing a  warrior,    characterized  by  the  banner  of  the 
city  to  which  he  belonged.     But  to  abridge  his  la- 
bour, he  painted  only  what  was  indispensable,  to 
convey  his  conceptions.       We   have   already  re- 
marked,  that  the  signs  appropriated  to  reli^ous 
subjects,  must  have  been  early  fixed  and  tenacious- 
ly preserved.     And  this  must  have  been  the  case 
witli  other  branches  of  knowledge  in  proportion  as 
tliey  attained  a  systematic  and  stable  form.   Hence 
the  degree  of  improvement,  in  the  mimic  arts,  must 
not  be  taken  as  the  measure  of  the  civilization  of 
the  Aztec  race.    Before  the  advent  of  the  Toltecks 
it  would  seem  that  the  natives  of  Anahuac,  made 
use  of  knots  or  cords  of  various  colours,  common 
among  the  Peruvians,  and  by  them  called  qidppits, 
and  which  have  been  found  also  among  the  Cana- 
dian tribes,  and  in  very  remote  times  among  the 
Chinese.     This  fact  however,   depends  upon  the 
testimony  of  Boturini,  who  avers  that  he  procured 
a  specimen  of   this  quippus  from  Tlascalla,  and 
upon,  figures  supposed  to  represent  it  in  Mexican 
drawings. 

VIII.  From  the  researches  of  M.  de  Humboldt 
it  appears,  that  there  exist  at  present,  in  Europe, 
only  seven  collections  of  Mexican  paintings,  unless 
another  be  found  in  the  archives  of  Simancas,  in 
Spain;  those  of  the  Escurial,  Bologna,  Yeletri, 
Rome,  Vienna,  Berlin,  and  Dresden.  That  of  the 
Escurial,  has  the  form  of  a  book  in  folio.  Thia 
circumstance,  induces  a  suspicion  that  it  is  only  a 


16  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   I. 

copy;  since  all  others  have  the  size  of  volumes,  in 
quarto.     It  consists  of  forty  sheets  of  maguey  pa- 
per, covered,  probably,  with  astrological,  and  reli- 
gious matters.     At  the  bottom  of  each  page,  is  an 
interpretation  in  Spanish,  added  since  the  conquest. 
That  of  Bologna,  is  deposited  in  the  library  of  the 
Institute  of  Sciences  of  that  city.     Its  origin  is 
unknown,  but  we  read  on  the  title  page,  that  it  was 
ceded  the  26th  of  December,  1665,  by  the  Count 
Valerio  Zani,  to  the  Marquis  of  Caspi.   It  is  formed 
of  a  thick,  and  ill  prepared  skin,  about  nine  feet 
long.     The  characters  seem  to  have  an  allusion  to 
tlie  constellations,  and  to  astrological  notions.    An 
engraved  copy  of  this   Codex  Mcxicanus,  may  be 
found  in  the  museum  of  Cardinal  Borgia,  at  Vele- 
tri.     The  collection  of  Vienna,  consisting  of  sixty- 
five  pages,  has  become   celebrated,  since  it  fixed 
the  attention  of  Dr.  Robertson,  who  has  published 
in  the  appendix  to  his  history  of  America,  a  few 
pages  in  outline  only,  and  without  colouring.     A 
note  annexed  to  this  codex,  asserts  it  to  have  been 
presented  by  E manual,   of  Portugal,  to  PoT^e  Cle- 
ment the  Seventh 5    and  it  passed  through  many 
hands  until   1677,   when  it  was  presented  to  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  by  the  Duke  of  Saxe  Eisenach:* 
The  Codex  Borgianus,   of  Veletri,   is  the  largest, 
and  most  remarkable  for  the  splendour  and  variety 
of  the  colours.     It  is  a  ritual  and  astrological  al- 
manac and  once  belonged  to  the  family  of  Giusti- 
niani.     By  some  unlucky  chance  it  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  domestics  of  that  house, who  gave  it 
as  a  play  thing  to  their  children.     It  was  rescued 
from  destruction  by  an  enlightened  lover  of  anti- 
quities. Cardinal  Borgia;  but  not  before  attempts 
had  been  made  to  burn  some  folds  of  the  deer  skin 
upon  which  the  paintings  are  delineated.     Nothing 

•  Rob.  Am.    Humboldt's  Researches,  ibid. 


p  u 


"^ 

^^rl: 

5: 

^^^i^  ^^ 

^==^=^^   ^ 

CH.  I.  MEXICO.  17 

indicates  the  age  of  this  manuscript,  and  it  is  per- 
haps, but  an  Aztec  copy,  of  an  older  book.  The 
collection  in  the  royal  library  at  Berlin,  contains, 
several  paintings,  collected  by  M.  de  Humboldt,  in 
Mexico^  comprehending  lists  of  tributes,  genealo- 
gies, the  history  of  the  migrations  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  a  calendar  made  soon  after  the  conquest,  in 
which  the  simple  hieroglyphics  of  the  days  are  uni- 
ted to  figures  of  saints  painted  in  the  Aztec  style. 
The  library  of  the  Vatican,  at  Rome,  possesses 
among  its  collection  of  manuscripts,  two  Codices 
Mexicajii,  numbered  3738,  and  S7T6,  in  the  cata- 
logue. These  and  that  of  Veletri,  were  unknown 
to  Dr.  Robertson.  It  would  seem  that  another 
volume  of  Mexican  drawings  was  formerly  in  this 
library,  but  is  now  lost,  unless  it  be  that  in  the  In- 
stitute of  Bologna.* 

The  Codex,  No.  3776,  is  about  125  inches  long, 
and  7  inches  square  when  folded.  There  are  forty- 
eight  folds,  forming  ninety-six  pages;  or  as  many 
divisions,  marked  on  both  sides  of  several  doe  skins, 
glued  together.  Every  page  is  sub-divided  into 
two  compartments,  except  the  first  eight  which 
consist  of  the  simple  hieroglyphics  of  the  days  ar- 
ranged in  rows  parallel  to  each  other.  The  border 
of  each  fold  is  divided  into  twenty-six  small  com- 
partments, containing  the  simple  hieroglyphics  of 
the  days.  Every  page  exhibits  in  the  sub-divisions 
two  groups  of  mythological  figures.  We  should 
lose  ourselves  in  vain  conjectures  were  we  to  at- 
tempt interpreting  these  allegories;  the  manuscripts 
of  Rome,  Veletri,  Bologna,  and  Vienna,  having 
none  of  those  explanatory  notes  which  enrich  the 
Mendoza  collection. 

In  the  thirteenth  plate  of  Humboldt's  picturesque 

•  Humboldt's  Researches,  1,  Mercatus  degli.  Obelischi  di 
Roma,  2.  p.  96. 

3* 


18  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I. 

Atlas,  he  has  given  a  copy  of  the  ninety-sixth  page 
of  the  Codex  Vaticaniis.  The  drawing,  No.  1. 
represents  an  adoration;  the  Deity  has  on  a  helmet, 
remarkably  ornamented;  he  is  seated  on  a  small 
bench,  called  icpalli^  before  a  temple,  of  which, 
only  the  top,  or  small  chapel  placed  on  the  upper 
part  of  the  pyramid,  is  represented.  The  adoration 
m  Mexico,  as  in  the  East,  consisted  of  touching 
the  ground  with  the  right  hand,  and  carrying  the 
left  to  the  mouth.  In  this  drawing,  however,  the 
homage  is  rendered  by  a  genuflection,  and  the  atti- 
tude of  the  figure,  prostrate  before  the  temple,  is 
found  in  several  paintings  of  the  Hindoos. 

The  group.  No.  2.  of  which  the  annexed  plate 
is  a  copy,  represents  the  celebrated  serpent  woman 
Cihuacohuatl,  called  also  Quilaztli  or  Tonacacihua, 
woman  of  our  Jlesh;  the  companion  of  Tonaca- 
teuctli.  The  Mexicans  considered  her  as  the  mo- 
ther of  the  human  race;  and  after  the  god  of  the 
celestial  paradise,  Ometeuctli,  she  held  tlie  first 
rank  among  the  divinities  of  Anahuac.  She  is  al- 
ways represented  with  a  great  serpent;  and  other 
paintings  exhibit  a  feather  headed  snake,  cut  in 
pieces  by  the  great  spirit  Tezcatlipoca,  or  by  the 
sun  personified,  the  god  Tonatiuh.  ^^Tliese  alle- 
gories remind  us,"  says  Humboldt  ^*  of  the  ancient 
traditions  of  Asia.  In  the  tvoman  and  serpent,  of 
the  Aztecs,  we  think  we  perceive,  the  Eve  of  the 
Semetic  nations. — In  the  scotched  snake  the  ser- 
pent Kalinga,  or  KaUnag;a,  conquered  by  Vishnu, 
when  he  took  the  form  of  Krishna.  The  Tonatiuh 
of  the  Mexicans,  appears  also  to  be  identical  with 
the  Krishna,  of  tlie  Hindoos,  recorded  in  the 
Bhagavata  Purana,  and  with  the  Mithras  of  the 
Persians.  Behind  the  serpent,  who  appears  to  be 
speaking  to  the  goddess,  are  two  naked  figures  of 
difierent  colours,  contending  with  each  other.  We 
might  be  led  to  suppose  that  the  two  vases,  which 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  19 

we  see  at  the  bottom  of  the  picture,  one  of  which 
is  overturned,  are  the  cause  of  this  quarrel.  Tiie 
serpent  woman  was  considered  in  Mexico  as  the 
mother  of  twins. '"'^  One  possessed  of  less  than  an 
ordinary  share  of  christian  enthusiasm,  might  see  in 
this  painting,  no  equivocal  illustration  of  the  book 
of  Genesis,  by  the  representation  of  the  temptation 
of  Eve,  and  the  first  great  evil  consequent  on  her 
disobedience,  the  slaughter  of  one  of  her  children 
by  the  hand  of  another. 

IX.  The  most  important  collection  of  American 
manuscripts,  is  that  to  which  we  have  oftimes  re- 
ferred in  the  preceding  volume,  and  which  was  made 
by  Don  Antonio  I'leudoza,  first  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  and  destined  by  him  as  a  present  to  the  em- 
peror Charles  V.  The  ship  in  which  they  were 
sent  to  Spain  was  taken  by  a  French  cruizer:  and 
they  came  into  the  possessfon  of  Thevet,  the  kind's 
geographer,  who  having  himself  travelled  in  me 
new  world,  and  described  one  of  its  provinces, was 
a  curious  observer  of  whatever  tended  to  illustrate 
the  manners  of  tiie  Americans.  On  his  death  they 
were  purchased  by  Hackluyt,  at  that  time,  chaplain 
of  the  English  embassador  at  the  French  court;  and 
being  left  by  him  to  Purchas,  were  published  at  the 
desire  of  the  learned  antiquary.  Sir  Henry  Spel- 
man.t  They  were  translated  from  English  into 
French  by  Melchezedeck  Thevenot,  and  published 
in  his  collection  of  voyages.  A.D.1683. 

The  fate  of  the  original  paintings  is  unknown. 
Some  authorsj  assert  tliat  they  are  preserved  in  the 

*  Humboldt's  Researches. 

t  Purchas,  iii,  1065,  2  Robert,  app.  note  35.  Clavigero,  vol. 
1.  and  Humboldt,  Researches,  vol.  1.  182.  Lond.  ed.  says  that 
TheAcnot's  copy  is  veiy  erroneous;  the  events,for  instance, which 
nad  place  under  the  reign  of  Ahuizotl,  are  there  indicated  under 
the  reign  of  Montezuma. 

:j:  ^Varbu^ton's  Essay  onHieroglj-phics,  vol.  1.  p.  18.  Papillon, 
Histoire  de  la  Graviu'e  en  Bois, 


20  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  I.    • 

royal  library  at  Paris,  but  Humboldt  deems  it  cer- 
tain, that  for  a  century  past,  this  library  has  con- 
tained no  Mexican  manuscript. 

The  collection  and  commentary  of  Mendoza 
throw  light  upon  the  history,  political  state  and 
domestic  life  of  the  Mexicans.  As  published  by 
Purchas,  in  sixty-six  plates,  it  is  divided  into  three 
parts;  the  first,  contains  the  history  of  the  Aztec 
dynasty  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  of  Mexico 
in  the  year  1325  of  our  era,  to  the  death  of  Monte- 
zuma the  Second  in  1520;  the  second,  a  list  of  the 
tributes  of  the  empire;  and  the  third,  sketches  of 
the  domestic  life  and  manners  of  the  Aztec  people. 
The  commentary  of  the  Viceroy  Mendoza  has  ren- 
dered this  collection  very  interesting  to  the  histo- 
rian. From  this  source  has  been  drawn  much  of 
the  matter  of  the  preceding  volume,  relating  to  mar- 
riages, to  the  ceremonies  at  the  birth  of  a  child,  his 
education,  diet  and  employment;  to  the  judiciary 
system  and  punishment;  and  to  the  forms  of  reli- 
gion. One  of  the  most  complicated  and  ingenious 
paintings  of  this  code,  is  tliat  representing  a  tlatoani 
or  governor  of  a  province,  strangled  for  revolting 
against  his  sovereign:  for  the  same  picture  records 
the  crime  of  the  ofticer,  the  punishment  of  his  whole 
family,  and  the  vengeance  exercised  by  his  vassals 
against  the  state  messengers. 

Another  specimen  of  Mexican  writing  was  pub- 
lished by  Dr.  Francis  Gemelli  Carreri,  in  two  cop- 
per-plates; the  first,  a  map  or  representation  of  the 
progress  of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  on  their  first  ar- 
rival in  the  country,  and  the  various  stations  in 
which  they  settled,  before  they  founded  the  city 
of  Mexico;  the  second,  the  chronological  circle, 
representing  the  cycle  of  fifty-two  years,  wliich  is 
found  in  our  third  volume.  He  received  both  from 
Don  Carlos  de  Siguenza  y  Gongora,  a  creole  of 
Mexico  and  a  diligent  collector  of  ancient  Mexican 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  21 

documents,  and  their  genuineness  is  recognised  by 
Boturini,  and  Acosta.* 

X.  A  third  specimen  of  Mexican  painting  was 
discovered  by  Lorenzo  Boturini  Benaduci.  This 
indefatigable  antiquary,  an  Italian,  set  out  for  New 
Spain  in  1736,  and  was  led  by  several  incidents  to 
study  the  language  of  the  Mexicans,  and  to  collect 
the  remains  of  their  historical  monuments.  He  em- 
ployed nine  years  in  his  researches  with  extraordinary 
enthusiasm  and  exemplary  patience.  In  1746  he 
published  at  Madrid,  Idea  de  iin  Niieva  Historia 
General  de  la  America,  Septentrional,  containing  an 
account  of  the  result  of  his  inquiries,  to  which  he 
added  a  catalogue  of  his  American  Historical  Mu- 
seum, arranged  under  thirty- six  heads.  His  collec- 
tion of  paintings  alone,  amounted  to  nearly  five 
hundred.  Unfortunately,  a  ship  in  which  he  sent 
the  greater  part  of  his  museum  to  Europe,  was 
taken  by  an  English  privateer  during  the  war  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Spain,  which  commenced 
in  1739;  and  it  probably  perished  by  falling  into 
the  hands  of  ignorant  captors.  Boturini,  himself, 
incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Court  of  Spain,  and 
died  in  a  hospital  at  Madrid.  The  remainder  of 
his  museum,  like  that  of  Siguenza,  was  dispersed; 
but  some  slight  remnants  of  it  were  preserved,  till 
the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  in  the  Library  of  St. 
Peter  and  St.  Paul,  at  Mexico;  the  greater  part, 
which  was  confiscated,  was  torn  and  pillaged  by 
persons  ignorant  of  their  value.  "What  existed  in 
the  palace  of  the  Viceroy,  at  the  period  of  M.  de 
Humboldt's  visit,  (A.D.1800,)  composed  only  three 
packets,  about  25  inches  square  by  20  in  thickness. 
They  had  long  remained  in  one  of  the  damp  apart- 
ments, on  the  ground  floor,  with  the  archives  of  the 
government.     They  represent  the  migrations  of  the 

*  Rob.  Am.  app.  vol.  2.  note  35.      Clavigero,  vol.  2.  app, 
Humboldt's  Researches. 


23  HISTORY  or  AMERICA.  CH.  t. 

Aztecs  from  Rio  Gila  to  the  valley  of  Tenochtitlan, 
the  foundation  of  several  cities,  and  wais  with  the 
neighbouring  nations.  ^ 

XI.  Hieroglyphic  paintings  have  become  so  scarce 
in  Mexico,  that  a  great  part  of  the  well  informed 
men  who  reside  there,  have  never  seen  any.  The 
library  of  the  University  no  longer  possesses  any 
originals,  and  among  the  remnants  of  Boturini, there 
are  none  so  fine  as  the  codices  Mexicani  of  Veletri 
and  Rome.  The  finest  collections  in  the  capital 
are  in  the  hands  of  private  individuals.!  M.  de 
Humboldt  conceives,  however,  that  several  objects 
important  to  the  study  of  history,  may  still  be  found 
in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  who  inhabit  the  province 
of  Mexico,  Puebla  and  Oaxaca,  the  Peninsula  of 
Yucatan,  and  the  kingdom  of  Guatemala,  peopled 
by  emigrants  from  Aztlan,  and  advanced  in  civi- 
lization,— that,  a  traveller,  who  understanding  the 
Aztec,  Tarask,  and  Maya  languages,  could  obtain 
the  confidence  of  the  natives,  might  still  collect, 
three  centuries  after  the  conquest,  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  years  after  the  visit  of  Boturini,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  historical  Mexican  paintings.t 

XII.  Plate  .,  is  a  representation  of  a  law  suit^ 
taken  from  a  painting,  executed  soon  after  the  con- 
quest, exhibiting  the  genealogy  of  the  princes  of  Az- 
capozalco.  It  is  one  of  the  most  intelligible  of  the 
Mexican  designs,  and  a  specimen  of  the  mode  of 
colouring.  Although  the  division  of  labour  was 
carried  to  a  considerable  extent,  the  profession  of  a 
lawyer  was  unknown  under  the  dynasty  of  the  Az- 
tec kings.  The  parties  in  person,  pleaded  their 
causes  before  the  courts,  whether  of  the  first  in- 

•  Rob.     Clavigero.     Humboldt 

+  M.  de  Humboldt  names  P.  Jose  .Antonio  Pichardo,  as  tlio 
owner  of  the  best  collection,  -who,  beside  Uie  result  of  his  o\»-n 
labours,  inherited  that  of  M.  de  Gama. 

\  Humb.  Researches. 


Inl.   //. 


^JT^^ w  mcroijhjplncs  <^ 


Qn,  I.  MEXICO.  23 

stance  or  of  dernier  resort.  As  sentence  was  not 
immediately  pronounced  each  of  the  disputants  was 
interested  in  leaving  with  the  judges  a  painting  or 
writing  to  remind  them  of  the  principal  object  in 
dispute.  In  criminal  cases,  the  picture  offered  by 
the  prosecutor,  represented  the  accused  not  only  at 
the  moment  when  the  crime  was  committed,  but, 
also  in  the  different  circumstances  of  his  life  pre- 
ceding this  action.  In  pronouncing  sentence  of 
death,  the  king  marked  with  the  point  of  a  dart,  the 
head  of  the  culprit  in  the  picture.  The  use  of 
paintings  in  law  suits,  was  continued  in  the  Spanish 
tribunals  long  after  the  conquest.  When  the  Em- 
peror Charles  V.  with  the  design  of  encouraging 
the  culture  of  the  arts  and  sciences  in  these  distant 
regions,  founded  in  1553,  the  University  of  Mex- 
ico, three  professorships  were  established;  one  for 
teaching  the  Aztec  language,  another  for  the  Oto- 
mite,  and  a  third  for  explanation  of  hieroglyphical 
paintings.* 

The  painting  we  have  selected,  according  to  the 
interpretation  of  M.  de  Humboldt,  indicates  a  law 
suit  between  some  natives  and  Spaniards.  The 
matter  litigated  is  a  farm,  the  plan  of  which  is 
traced  in  orthographical  projection.  The  high 
road  indicated,  by  the  marks  of  feet;  the  house 
sketched  in  profile;  an  Indian  whose  name  indi- 
cates a  bow,  and  Spanish  judges  seated  on  chairs 
with  the  laws  before  them,  are  very  distinct- 
ly recognized.  The  Spaniard  immediately  above 
the  Indian,  was  probably  called  Aqua  Verde;  the 
symbol  of  water  painted  green,  being  figured  be- 
hind his  head.  The  tongues  are  very  unequally 
divided.  The  conquerors  with  long  beards  talk, 
much  and  loud;  whilst  the  smock-faced  and  sub- 
ject native,  scarcely  dares  to  defend  his  cause. t 

Humb.  Reaearchea,  toI  i.  +  lb. 


24  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CII.    I. 

XIII.  The  Codex  Mexicanusin  the  public  library  of 
Dresden,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  relicks  of  Mex- 
ican science,  since  it  seems  to  be  wholly  composed 
of  the  simple  hieroglyphics,  analogous  to  those  of 
the  Egyptians,  and  the  keys  of  the  Chinese;  and 
leads  us  to  suspect,  that  we  yet  know  very  little  of 
the  perfection  attained  by  the  Mexicans  in  the  art 
of  writing.  This  manuscript  was  purchased  at 
Vienna,  by  the  librarian  Goetze,  in  his  literary 
journey  to  Italy  in  1739.  It  is  on  maguey  paper, 
and  forms  a  folded  volume,  such  as  we  have  de- 
scribed, above  twenty  feet  in  length,  having  forty 
leaves,  which  are  seven  inches,  three  lines  long, 
and  three  inches,  two  lines  (French,)  wide,  with 
paintings  on  both  sides.  This  form,  also,  distin- 
guishes the  Dresden  manuscript,  from  those  at  Vi- 
enna, Veletri,  and  in  the  Vatican.  It  is  assimila- 
ted also  to  the  works  of  the  Chinese,  by  the  un- 
couth painting  of  a  sacred  animal,  recumbent  find 
pierced  with  darts,  and  by  the  lineal  signs,  such  as 
were  invented  by  an  emperor  of  China,  two  thou- 
sand nine  hundred  and  forty-one  years  before  our 
era.*t 

XIV.  Although  the  library  at  Paris  possesses  no 
original  Mexican  manuscript,  it  contains  a  valuable 
volume,  in  which  a  Spaniard,  an  inhabitant  of  New 
Spain,  copied,  either  toward  the  end  of  the  16th  or 
commencement  of  the  ITth  century,  a  great  num- 
ber of  hieroglyphical  paintings.  The  copies  arc 
carefully  made  and  bear  the  character  of  original 
drawings.  The  volume  belonged  formerly  to  Le 
Tellier,  archbishop  of  Rheims.  In  its  outward 
form,  it  resembles  the  manuscript  preserved  in  the 
library  of  the  Vatican,  No.  3738.  Each  hiero- 
glyphic figure  is  accompanied  by  explanations  in 

*  Klaproth  Asiatischea  Magaxin,    1802.  B.    1.  p.   91.   52t 
and  525. 
t  Note  A. 


CH.  I.  MEXICO.  25 

Mexican  and  Spanish,  written  at  different  periods, 
more  instructive,  according  to  Humboldt,  than 
those  annexed  to  the  collection  of  Mendoza,  and 
have  the  Mexican  names  more  correctly  written. 
This  volume  contains,  a  ritual  almanac,  a  book  of 
astroloo;v,  and  a  Mexican  history  from  the  year 
5  Tochtli,  or  1197,  to  the  year  4  Calli,  or  1561. 
The  last  merits  particular  attention.  It  includes  a 
space  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-four  years.  With 
this  history,  Boturini,  Clavigero,  and  Gama,  were 
unacquainted 5  and  it  seems  to  be  of  the  greatest 
authenticity.  From  the  year  1197,  to  the  middle 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  it  records  few  facts.  Scarce 
one  or  two  in  an  interval  of  thirteen  years.  From 
1454,  the  narrative  becomes  more  circumstantial  j 
and  from  1472,  to  1549,  it  relates,  almost  from 
year  to  year,  whatever  was  remarkable  in  the  phy- 
sical ancl  political  state  of  the  country.  The  pages 
comprehending  the  periods  from  1:274  to  1385,  from 
1496  to  1502,  and  from  1518  to  1529,  are  wanting. 
In  this  last  interval,  the  Spaniards  entered  Mexico. 
The  figures  are  misshapen,  but  often  of  great  sim- 
plicity. Among  the  objects  most  worthy  of  note, 
are  the  image  of  the  king  Huitzilihuitl,  who  having 
no  legitimate  children,  took  a  paintress  for  his  mis- 
tress, and  who  died  in  the  year  13  Tochtli  or  1414; 
the  falls  of  snow,  in  1447,  and  1503,  which  caused 
a  great  mortality  among  the  natives,  by  destroying 
the  crops;  the  earthquakes  of  1460,  1462,  1468, 
1480,  1495,  1507,  1533,  and  1542;  the  eclipses 
of  the  sun  in  1476,  1496,  1507,  1510,  1531;  the 
first  human  sacrifice;  the  appearance  of  two  comets 
in  1490,  and  1529;  the  arrival  and  the  death  of 
the  first  bishop  of  Mexico,  Zumaraga,  in  1532, 
1549;  the  departure  of  Nunez  de  Gusman,  for  the 
conquest  of  Xalisco;  the  death  of  the  celebrated 
Pedro  Alvarado,  called  by  the  natives  Tonatiuh, 
the  sun,  on  account  of  his  flaxen  haii';  tlie  baptism 
4 


36  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA-  CH.   I, 

of  an  Indian  by  a  monk;  an  epidemic  malady  which 
depopulated  Mexico  under  the  Viceroy  Mendoza, 
in  1544  and  1545;  the  insurrection  and  punish- 
ment of  the  negroes  of  Mexico,  in  1537;  a  tempest 
which  devastated  the  forests;  the  ravages  made  by 
small  pox  among  the  Indians  in  1538,  &c.  The 
variety  and  scope  of  these  annals  exemplify  in  the 
most  striking  manner,  the  capacity  of  conveying 
ideas  which  the  Mexican  system  of  writing  pos- 
sessed. * 

In  concluding  our  notice  of  the  Mexican  paint- 
ings we  may  observe,  that  notwithstanding  the  vast 
number  destroyed  by  the  catholic  missionaries,  im- 
mediately after  the  conquest,  and  the  present 
dearth,  there  yet  remained  enough  to  supply  the 
materials  for  the  ancient  history  of  Mexico,  both 
to  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  historians.  All  the 
works  of  Don  Ferdinand  Alba  Ixlilxochitl,  of  Don 
Dominic  Chimalpain,  and  others  named  in  our  ap- 

?endix,t  were  composed  from  Mexican  manuscripts, 
lereafter,  when  we  shall  treat  of  the  origin  of  the 
inhabitants  of  America,  we  shall  examine  this  sub- 
ject more  profoundly,  than  is  compatible  with  the 
present  part  of  our  enterprise. 

Some  years  since,  we  saw  many  very  well  exe- 
cuted drawings  exhibited  at  the  Masonic  Hall,  in 
Philadelphia,  said  to  be  copies  from  Mexican  origi- 
nals, and  taken  in  Mexico.  They  consisted  prin- 
cipally of  single  subjects,  of  vases,  and  other  ves- 
sels. We  saw  nothing  which  we  think,  according  to 
present  recollections,  could  be  construed  into  his- 
torical narrative,  or  continued  story.  The  draw- 
ings we  learn  have  been  taken  to  England,  and 
have  been  splendidly  engraved,  at  the  expense  of  a 
nobleman  friendly  to  tlie  arts. 

•  Humboldt's  Besearches,  Appendix, 
t  Set;  note  B. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  9!f 


CHAPTER  II. 

[.   Comparison  between  the  Indian  races  of  the  isl- 
ands, 4'C.  and  the  Mexicans •  •  •  •  II.  Valasques  pro- 
poses the  conquest  of  Mexico — His  difficulty  in  the 
choice   of  a    commander ""\\\.    Biographical 
notice  of  Hernando  Cortes- -"W.  Cortes  assumes 
the  honors  of  his  office  of  General — Liberally 
urges  forward  the  expedition — Efforts  of  his 
competitors  to  injure  him  ivith  Velasques*— De- 
parts from  St.   J  a  go  de  Cuba — V.    Chief  offi- 
cers u'ho  accompanied  CorteS""\I.   Notice  of 
Alvarado  —  Olid  —  Sando vcd'  •  •  •  VII.    Velasques 
repents  the  appointment  of  Cortes,  cmd  commands 
Verdugo  to  divest  him  of  his  command — VIII. 
Cortes  proceeds  from  Trinidad  to  Havanna — His 
vessel  runs  aground — Alarm  and  discord  among 
the  troops,  occasioned  by  his  absence — Second 
attempt  of  Velasques  to  remove  Cortes  from  the 
C07nmcnui""lX.    Cortes  resolves  to  put  to  sea, 
against  the  orders  of  the  Governor "'-X.  His 
departure  from  Havanna — Forces  of  the  expedi- 
tion-*  "XI.  Alvarado  arrives  at  Cozumel  before 
the  fleet — His  imprudent  conduct  there — Is  cen- 
sured by  Cortes- "-X\\.  TFise  policy  of  Cortes — 
Treaty  ivith  the  inhabitants  of  Cozumel — Hears 
of  Aquilar,  a  Spaniard  long  among  the  Indians 
—  Casts  doiV7i  the  idols  of  the  natives  cmd  erects 
the   cross* •••XIII.   Departure  of  the  expedition 
from  Cozumel — Returns  on  account  of  one  of  the 
vessels   springing  a  leak — Receives  Aquilar- -•- 
XIV.   Fleet  arrives  at  Tobasco — Hostility  of  the 
natives — They  are  conquered,  cmd  submit  to  the 
Spanish  crown — XV.    Cortes  leaves    Tobasco, 
and  arrives  at  Llua — Difficulty  in  communica- 
ting unth  the  inhabitants — Is  removed  by  a  fe- 


B8  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

mule  slave — XVI.   Notice  of  Donna  Marirm. 

•  •••XVII.  Message  from  the  governors  of  the 
Province — Cortes  lands  and  establishes  his  cajnp. 

•  •••XVIII.  Receives  a  visit  from  the  governors 
— Demands  to  be  introduced  to  the  king — Pre- 
sent from  Montezuma* "'XIX.  ATexican  paint- 
ers describe  the  Spaniards  and  their  equipage"" 
XX.  Disquietude  of  Montezuma — Causes  there- 
of" "XXI.  Embassy  from  Montezuma  to  Cortes 
— Rich  present — Montezuma  declines  his  visit. 

•  •  •  •XXII.  Cortes  persists  in  his  intention  to  visit 
Mexico •  •  •  •XXIII.  He  seeks  a  more  advantageous 
site  for  his  colo7iy "  "XXYV .  Irresolution  of 
Mo7itezuma — Peremptorily  prohibits  the  ap- 
proach of  Cortes — His  present  for  the  king  of 

Spain" "XX\.  Diversity  of  opinion  in  Cortes^ 
councils ""XXYl.    Remonstrance  of    Ordaz — 
Cortes  co7isents  to  return  to  Cuba — Discontent 
and  remo7istrance  of  the  army  ""XXYll.  Cortes 
encourages  the  establishinent  of  a  civil  colony — 
Resigns  his  office  to  the  civil  chiefs — Is  elected 
by  the  council  Commander-in-chief   and  Chief 
Justice"  "XXWll.  Cortes  arrests  the  leaders  of 
Velasques^  faction — Conciliates  them""XXIX. 
The  Spaniards  are  visited  by  the  Chempoallese, 
and  invited  to  their  city ""XXX.  Hie  army  sets 
out  for  Chiahuitzla  by  the  icay  of  Chempocdla. 
.•••XXXI.  Foundation  of  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera 
CruZ""XXX\\.  Cortes  excites  the  Chempoallese 
to   revolt — They  imprison  the  collectors  of  the 
royal  tributes — Duplicity  of  Cor/eS'^ ••XXXIII. 
Seven  Spaniards  desire  to  return  to  Cuba — Mis- 
representation  of  the   chief  of   Chempoallu"" 
XXXIV.   Indignation   of  Montezuma  appeased 
by  the  report  of  his  liberated  officers — JVew  Em- 
bassy—  Cortes  openly  sustaiyis  the  revolt  of  the 
TotonecaS""XXXy.   Cortes  destroys  the  idols 
of  Chempoalla""XXXyL   Cortes  receives  a  re- 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  29 

infor  cement  from  Cuba— the  coimdl  and  hhnself 
address  the  king'  •  •  -XXXVII.  Conspiracy  among 
some  soldiers  to  return  to  Spain — Discovery  and 
punishnmit  of  the  conspirators ""XXXWll, 
Cortes  proposes  and  obtains  the  destruction  of 
his  ships ""XXXIX.  A  vessel  sent  by  Francis 
de  Garay  governor  of  Jamaica  arrives  on  the 
coast, 

I.  Before  the  voyages  of  Cordova  and  Grijalva, 
an  account  of  which  lias  been  given  in  the  second 
volume  of  our  Cabinet,  the  Spaniards  had  found  in 
the  New  World,  ovXj  a  timid  race,  enervated  by 
the  softness  of  the  climate,  and  the  sloth  and  vo- 
luptuousness which  it  induced;  or  rude  and  barba- 
rous tribes  prone  to  violence,  but  unskilled  in  the 
arts,  to  make  their  ferocity  terrible.     The  govern- 
ment of  both  these  classes  was  of  the  simplest  form, 
and  such  as  is  found  in  the  earliest  stages  of  politi- 
cal society.     The  discoveries  upon   the  coasts  of 
Yucatan   and   of    the  Mexican   gulph   had   made 
known  to  the  eager  curiosity  and   cupidity  of  the 
Castilians,  a  people  much  advanced  in  civilization, 
practised   in  the  fabrication  and  the  use  of  arms, 
learned  in  systematic  warfare,  which  they  conduct- 
ed by  regular  armies  of  mercenaries,  experienced 
and  inspirited  by  many  and  extensive  conquests; 
rich  in  civil  institutions,  by  which  society  was  di- 
vided   and   graduated,    by   very  artificial  scales, 
science  cherished,   the  rights  to  real  and  personal 
property  established,  and  a  complex  religious  hie- 
rarchy founded. 

The  importance  of  this  discovery  might  well  be 
compared  with  the  original  success  of  Columbus, 
and  conceived  to  transcend  the  latter  in  beneficial 
results.  In  periods  of  less  excitement,  even  Span- 
ish daring  might  have  paused,  before  it  resolved 
upon  the  attempt  to  subjugate  such  a  people,  par- 


so  niSTORl   OF  AMERICA.  CK.  ll. 

licularly  after  the  evidence  it  possessed  ot  their 
disposition  to  defend  tiieir  shores  and  protect  their 
institutions  from  foreign  invaders.  But  the  vast 
disproportion  the  Spaniards  had  liitherto  found  in 
arms  and  arts,  and  intellectual  power,  between 
themselves  and  the  aborigines  of  America,  led  them 
justly  to  believe,  that  the  inequality  of  their  nu- 
meral force,  scarce  merited  consideration  in  any 
contest  with  the  latter. 

II.  Moved  by  these  convictions,  Don  Diego  Ve- 
lasques,  governor  of  the  island  of  Cuba,  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  second  admiral,  did  not  hesitate 
with  his  slender  means  to  attempt  the  conquest  of 
an  extensive  and  civilized  empire,  whose  popula- 
tion was  not  less,  in  all  probability,  than  seven 
millions.  We  have  seen,  that  immediately  after 
the  arrival  of  Alvarado,  and  before  the  return  of 
Grijalva,  he  had  commenced  preparations  for  the 
enterprise;  but  the  choice  of  an  able  commander 
was  not  more  requisite  to  success,  than  difficult  to 
make.  Velasques  was  himself  amVjitious,  cove- 
tous of  power  and  of  fame,  and  not  destitute  of 
talents  for  government;  but  he  was  wanting  in  the 
energy  and  activity  of  mind,  which  would  fit  him 
to  direct  in  person  the  armament  he  was  preparing. 
He  was  therefore  desirous  to  select  an  officer  with 
courage  and  capacity  to  conduct  the  expedition,  but, 
who,  contented  with  some  inferior  reward,  would 
yield  to  him  the  power  and  tlie  glory  wliich  might 
result  from  success.  But  as  the  (jualities  of  geni- 
us, courage,  and  prudence,  are  rarely  united  with 
poverty  of  spirit,  his  search  was  tardy  and  difficult; 
and  when  he  tliought  it  liappily  completed,  resulted 
in  the  most  bitter  disappointment.  There  were  in 
Cuba  several  adventurers,  whose  merits  and  con- 
nections authorized  them  to  seek  the  command. 
Among  them  were,  Antonio  and  Bernardino  Ve- 
lasques, relatives  of  the  Governor,  Baltazar  Bermu- 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  31 

dcz,  Vasco  Porcallo,  and  other  cavaliers^  but 
none  were  supposed  to  possess  the  incompati- 
ble qualities  desired  by  the  Governor.  After 
long  and  anxious  deliberation,  his  choice  was 
fixed  by  the  influence  of  Amadar  de  Lares,  the 
royal  treasurer  in  Cuba,  and  Andres  Duero,  his 
own  secretary,  persons  who  possessed  his  full 
confidence,  and  who  were  the  intimate  friends  of 
Fernando  Cortes.  They  maintained  their  recom- 
mendation, of  this  extraordinary  man,  with  great 
caution  and  judgment;  rather  lea\'ing  his  qualifica- 
tions and  circumstances  to  operate  upon  the  Gover- 
nor, than  risking  to  excite  the  suspicions  of  the 
latter,  by  fervent  praises  of  their  friend.* 

III.  Hernan,  or  Fernando  Cortes,  was  born  at 
Medellin,  a  small  town  of  Estremadura,  in  the 
year  1485,  of  a  noble,  but  reduced  family.  He 
was  destined  by  his  parents  to  the  profession  of  the 
law,  and  was  sent  at  an  early  age  to  the  Universi- 
ty of  Salamanca,  where  he  acquired  some  knowl- 
edge of  letters.  But  this  pursuit  being  unconge- 
nial wifh  an  ardent  temperament  and  great  animal 
spirits,  he  retired  to  iSIedellin  in  disgust,  and  sur- 
rendered himself  wholly  to  active  sports,  and  mar- 
tial exercises,  the  fit  preparations  for  the  employ- 
ment he  most  coveted.  The  marked  bias  of  his 
mind,  his  restless  and  impetuous  disposition,  and 
his  dissipated  habits,  drew  from  his  father  a  glad 
consent  that  he  should  seek  his  fortune  in  arms. 
There  were  at  this  period,  two  theatres,  to  which 
all  who  courted  military  glory  resorted;  one  in 
Italy  directed  by  Gonsalvo  the  Grand  Captain,  and 
the'odier  in  the  New  World.  Cortes  preferred  the 
former,  but  being  prevented  by  sickness,  from 
embarking  with  a  reinforcement  of  troops  sent  to 
Naples,  he  turned  towards  America,  allured  by  the 

*  Soils,  Herrera,  ClaYigero. 


S2  HISTORT  OP  AMERICA.  CH.   II. 

hope  of  the  protection  of  Ovando,  then  Governor 
of  Hispaniola,  who  was  his  kinsman.  He  landed 
on  that  island  in  1504,  was  very  favorably  received, 
and  immediatelj  employed  in  honorable  and  lucra- 
tive stations.*  The  quiet  state  of  St.  Domingo, 
now  wholly  subjected  to  Spanish  power,  aftbrded 
little  scope  for  his  active  and  restless  spirit;  and 
with  the  assent  of  his  relative,  he  passed  over  to 
Cuba,  where  Velasques  was  employed  in  reducing 
the  inhabitants  to  obedience.  Here,  soon  after  iiis 
arrival,  he  married  Donna  CatalinaSuarezPacheco, 
a  lady  of  noble  family,  but  whose  gallantry  caused 
him  some  inquietude,  to  which  the  Governor  was 
an  auxiliary  cause.  But  at  length  being  taken  into 
favor  by  the  latter,  he  obtained  an  ample  rqmrti- 
miento,  or  donation  of  lands  and  slaves,  the  re- 
ward usually  sought  by  adventurers  to  tlie  New 
World. 

Although  hitherto  unemployed  in  high  com- 
mands, Cortes  had  occasionally  displayed  quali- 
ties, which  raised  him  greatly  in  the  esteeni  of  his 
countrymen;  who  viewed  him  as  one  fitted  for  great 
actions.  The  turbulence  of  youth  amid  worthy  and 
suitable  occupations  had  subsided  into  regular  and 
indefatigable  activity.  His  impetuous  temper  re- 
strained by  intercourse  with  his  equals,  was  mel- 
lowed into  cordial  and  soldierly  frankness.  He 
was  as  prudent  in  concerting,  as  vigorous  and  per- 
severing in  executing  his  schemes,  and  he  possess- 
ed in  an  eminent  degree,  that  distinguishing  mark 
of  superior  genius,  the  art  of  gaining  the  confidence 

*  Gomara  relates  that  Cortes  was  to  hare  accompanied  Ovan- 
do in  1502,  but  was  detained  by  an  accident.  Attemptinp^  in  a 
dark  night  to  scramble  up  to  the  window  of  a  lady's  bed-cham- 
ber, with  whom  he  can-ied  on  an  intrig^ue,  an  old  wall,  on  the 
top  of  which  he  had  mounted,  {^ave  way  and  he  was  so  much 
bruised  by  llic  fall  as  to  be  unfit  for  the  voyage. 

Ciomara,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva  Espaua  cap.  I.  2  Robt.  Note 
xcviii. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  S3 

and  governing  the  minds  of  men.  To  these,  na- 
ture had  added  a  graceful  person,  a  constitution 
of  extraordinary  vigour,  and  the  power  of  endu- 
rance, united  with  a  winning  address;  and  he  had, 
by  long  and  careful  practice,  acquired  great  skill 
in  all  martial  exercises. 

IV.  When  Cortes  had  received  his  commission, 
as  Captain  General  of  tlie  Armada,  and  of  the 
countries  near  the  Mexican  coast  already  disco- 
vered and  which  he  might  thereafter  discover,  he 
acknowledged  the  favor  with  the  warmest  expres- 
sions of  respect  and  gratitude.  He  immediately 
assumed  the  costume  and  insignia  of  his  rank, 
erected  his  standard  before  his  own  house,  and  ex- 
erted himself  strenuously  to  procure  volunteers, 
and  to  hasten  the  preparations  for  the  voyage.  To 
this  end,  he  employed  liberally  all  his  own  funds, 
with  whatever  he  could  raise  on  credit,  which  were 
expended  in  the  purchase  of  military  stores  and 
provisions,  and  in  supplying  the  wants  of  his 
friends  and  companions.^  These  prompt  and  lau- 
dable efforts,  were  used  by  his  disappointed,  but 
not  misjudging  competitors^  to  alienate  the  mind  of 
the  Governor  from  the  new  General.  They  repre- 
sented his  liberality  as  ostentatious  and  interested, 
adapted  and  designed  to  secure  the  affection  of  the 
troops,  and  to  render  his  own  authority  indepen- 
dent. They  reminded  Yelasques  of  his  former 
dissensions  with  the  man,  in  whom  he  now  placed 
so  much  confidence;  and  foretold,  that  Cortes  would 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  11.  Lib.  iii.  c.  2.  and  Bemal  Diaz,  c.  20.  in- 
form us  that  Cortes  liad  2000  pesos  in  the  liands  of  Andrew  Du- 
ero,  and  borrowed  four  thousand. — These  sums  Dr.  Robertson 
says,  were  equal  to  /1500  and  as  the  price  of  every  thing  was 
very  high  in  America,  made  but  a  scanty  stock  when  applied  to- 
wards the  equipment  of  a  militor}-  expedition,  2  Kobt,  Am. 
Note  xci\.  But  if  we  consider  that  the  peso  or  dollar  of  that 
day  was  worth  five  of  tlie  present,  tlie  sum  was  not  inconsidera- 
ble. 


34  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  11. 

be  more  apt  to  avail  himself  of  the  power  put  into 
his  hands,  to  avenge  past  injuries  than  to  requite 
recent  obligations.*  They  endeavoured  also,  to 
assail  him  through  his  superstition,  employing  a 
demi  idiot,  whose  want  of  understanding,  here,  as 
in  the  east,  was  held  to  give  a  just  claim  to  pro- 
phetic power.  This  man,  perfectly  tutored,  meet- 
ing the  Governor,  attended  by  Cortes  and  his 
friends,  cried,  to  the  former,  *'  Well  done,  friend 
Diego!  you  will  soon  have  occasion  to  send  forth 
another  squadron  to  bring  back  Cortes."  These 
insinuations  sank  deep  into  the  mind  of  the  Gover- 
nor, and  Cortes  and  his  friends  soon  perceived 
symptoms  of  growing  alienation  and  distrust.  By 
the  advice  of  Lares  and  Duero,  the  General  hasten- 
ed his  departure,  before  these  should  violently 
break  forth.  He  sailed  from  St.  Jago  de  Cuba  on 
the  18th  November,  1518,  not  clandestinely,  as 
has  been  most  improbably  stated  by  Herrera,  but 
with  the  full  knowledge  and  consent  of  Velasques, 
whose  suspicious,  but  unresolved  mind,  not  yet 
determined  to  remove  him,  sought  to  alleviate  its 
forebodings,  by  recommending  to  the  officers  of 
Cortes  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  every  part  of 
their  commander's  conduct. 

V.  The  names  of  the  gallant  officers  who  accom- 
panied Cortes  in  this  expedition,  and  which  will 
often  recur  in  the  subsequent  story,  were  Juan  Ya- 
lasquez  de  Leon,  a  near  relative  of  the  Governor, 
Alonzo  Hernandez  Portocarero,  Francisco  de 
Montijo,  Christoval  de  Olid,  Juan  de  Esca- 
lante,  Francisco  de  Morla,  Pedro  de  Alvara- 
do  and  his  four  brothers,  Gonzalo,  Jorge,  Gomez, 
and  Juan,  Francisco  de  Salceda,  Juan  de  Es- 
cobar, Gines  de  Nortes,  Alfonso  Davila,  Gonzalo 
de   Sandoval,    Pedro   Sanchez    Farflm,    Gonzalo 

*  Robt, 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  35 

Mexia,  and  Bernal  Diaz,  the  most  naive  of  histori- 
ans that  has  ever  appeared  among  veteran  soldiers. 
Of  these,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Christopher  de  Olid, 
and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval, merit  particular  attention, 
as  they  were,  under  Cortes,  the  first  commanders 
of  the  troops  employed  in  the  conquests  and  made 
the  most  distinguished  figure  in  its  wonderful  and 
perilous  events. 

VI.  Alvarado  was  young,  tall,  well  proportioned, 
extremely  agile,  spirited,  graceful,  and  popular; 
fond  of  luxury  and  pleasures,  greedy  of  the  gold 
which  these  tastes  required,  and  not  over-scrupulous 
of  the  means  of  obtaining  it;  fierce  in  combat  and 
inclement  after  victory.  Olid  was  stout-limbed,  and 
of  a  dark  complection,  and  remarkable  for  temerity. 
Both  were  serviceable  to  Cortes,  but  both  proved 
ungrateful,  and  met  with  a  tragical  end.  Sandoval 
was  a  mere  youth,  scarce  two-and -twenty,  yet  well 
formed  and  manly  in  figure,  robust,  with  dark 
chesnut  hair,  thickly  curled,  and  a  voice  strong  and 
thick,  remarkably  sparing  of  words,  but  profuse  in 
deeds.  He  enjoyed,  in  a  high  degree,  the  confi- 
dence of  the  General,  who  entrusted  to  him  the  most 
difficult  and  dangerous  expeditions,  which  he  always 
conducted  with  honor  and  success.  He  was  be- 
loved by  the  soldiers,  to  whom  he  was  invariably 
kind  and  an  example  of  faithful  obedience;  humane 
to  his  enemies,  notwithstanding  some  charges 
made  against  him  of  merciless  cruelty;  and  entirely 
free  from  that  besetting  sin  of  his  countrymen,  ex- 
cessive avarice.  He  united  prudence  and  discre- 
tion with  the  ardour  of  youth,  bravery  with  huma- 
nity, modesty  with  merit,  and  humility  with  suc- 
cess.* Alvarado  and  Davila  had  been  captains,  and 
Bernal  Diaz,  an  adventurer,  in  the  expedition  of 
Grijalva. 

*  Clavigero,  book  viii.  vol.  1. 


36  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

VII.  Cortes  proceeded  to  Trinadad,  a  small  set- 
tlement, where  he  received  several  of  his  friends 
and  an  additional  supply  of  stores.  But  he  had 
scarce  departed  from  St.  Jago,  when  the  suspicions 
of  Velasques  overpowered  all  remains  of  confidence; 
and  as  the  barks  lessened  in  the  distance,  the 
presentiment  grew  in  the  breast  of  the  Governor, 
that  his  power  over  the  expedition  and  its  commander 
was  departing  from  him.  The  rivals  of  Cortes  did 
not  fail  to  exaggerate  these  fears,  and  again  resort- 
ing to  superstition,  they  procured  an  astrologer  to 
predict  his  future  treason.  It  was  yet  possible  to 
divest  him  of  his  General's  truncheon,  and  Velas- 
ques hastily  despatched  an  order,  for  that  purpose, 
to  Verdugo,  the  chief  magistrate  of  Trinadad.  But 
Cortes  had  so  firmly  fixed  the  aftections  of  his 
troops,  that  finding  officers  as  well  as  soldiers 
equally  zealous  to  support  his  authority,  he  soothed 
or  intimidated  Verdugo,  who  not  only  permitted 
him  to  depart  from  Trinadad,  unmolested,  but  un- 
dertook to  calm  or  remove  the  unseasonable,  and  as 
he  supposed,  unfounded  distrust  of  the  Governor. 

VIII.  From  Trinidad  the  expedition  sailed  for 
the  Havanna,  and  apart  of  the  troops  passed  thither 
by  land,  under  the  care  of  Alvarado,  who  had 
cnarge  of  the  horses.  The  vessels  arrived  safely 
and  without  accident,  except  the  Capitana, on  which 
the  General  had  embarked.  vShe,  on  the  night  after 
leaving  the  port,  ran  aground;  and  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  unload  tlie  cargo  and  transport  it  to  a 
neighbouring  islet,  before  she  could  be  gotten  off. 
This  labour,  with  that  of  reloading,  detained  the 
vessel  seven  days.  In  the  interim,  great  alarm  and 
discord  prevailed  among  the  troops  at  the  Havanna. 
Some  proposed  to  dispatch  several  barks  in  search 
of  the  missing  ship,  whilst  others  suggested  the  no- 
mination of  another  commander,  during  the  absence 
of  Cortes.     The  latter  advice  being  supported  by 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  37 

Ordez,  the  near  relative  of  Velasques,  was  held 
sinister  by  many,  and  earnestly  repudiated.  For- 
tunately, these  difterences  which  threatened  to  be- 
come mischievous,  were  dissipated  by  the  arrival  of 
the  General.  Several  persons  of  distinction,  here 
joined  the  fleet  and  engaged  to  supply  such  pro>-i- 
sions  as  were  still  wanting;  the  delay  in  obtaining 
these,  however,  gave  a  new  opportunity  to  the  Go- 
vernor to  attempt  the  removal  of  the  commander. 
Sensible  that  he  ought  no  longer  to  rely  on  one,  of 
whom  he  had  so  openly  discovered  his  distrust,  he 
loudly  censured  Verdugo's  disobedience,  and  des- 

f latched  a  confidential  agent  to  Pedro  Barba,  his 
ieuteuant  governor  at  Havanna,  v.  ith  peremptory 
instructions  instantly  to  arrest  Cortes  and  send  him 
prisoner,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  St,  Jago,  and  to 
countermand  the  sailins:  of  the  squadron  until  he 
should  receive  further  orders.  He  wrote  also  to  the 
principal  officers,  commanding  them  to  assist  Barba 
in  the  performance  of  this  charge.  But  before  the 
delivery  of  this  order,  a  Franciscan  friar  of  St.  Jago 
had  conveyed  intelligence  of  its  contents  to  Cortes, 
through  Bartholomew  de  Olmedo,  a  monk  of  the 
same  fraternity,  and  chaplain  of  the  expedition. 

IX.  Thus  forewarned,  the  General  instantly  re- 
solved on  his  course.  He  had  embarked  in  this  ad- 
venture the  fortunes  of  himself  and  his  friends;  and 
though  the  Governor  had  contributed  to  the  expenses 
of  the  outfit,  far  the  greater  proportion  had  been  sup- 
plied by  them.  He  had  around  him  a  band  of  dar- 
ing and  adventurous  men,  of  rank  and  family,  who 
were,  in  official  station  only,  inferior  to  the  Gover- 
nor himself,  and  who  would  not  be  easily  turned 
from  their  pursuit  of  renown  and  wealth,  and  all 
the  charms  of  the  contemplated  enterprise,  by  jeal- 
ousies and  suspicions,  wiiich  at  this  moment  had  no 
apparent  foundation.  Upon  their  aid,  he  felt  that 
he  might  confidentlv  relv.  His  first  step  was  to 
5 


38  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CHT  II. 

remove  from  the  Havamia,  T)iego  de  Ordaz,  who  on 
account  of  his  resolute  ana   penetrating  spirit,  his 
devotion  to  Yelasques,  and  his  conduct  during  the 
late  involuntary  absence  of  the  General,   he  had 
much  reason  to  dread.     He  therefore  despatched 
him  with  a  small  bark,  to  take  on  board  some  pro- 
visions at  a  petty  port  beyond  Cape  Antonio.     Im- 
mediately after  his  departure  Cortes  communicated 
to  his  troops,  amid  shouts  of  indignation,  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Governor.  With  one  voice  they  conjured 
him  not  to  abandon  them,  and  pledged  themselves 
to  support  him  to  the  last  extremity      He  gladly 
complied  with  what  he  himself  so  ardently  desired, 
and  swore  to  lead  them  to  that  rich  country  which 
had  been  long  the  object  of  their  wishes.     Barba, 
who   had   no  power  to   contend    with   such   reso- 
lute adventurers,  and  who  perhaps,  was  satisfied 
that  the  removal  of  Cortes  was  not  less  impolitic 
than   impracticable,   disclosed   in  the  quarters   of 
Cortes,  his  resolution  to  disobey  the  order,  sent  a 
messenger   to   the   Governor  with   remonstrances 
against   it;    adding   a    recommendation   that    the 
latter  should  dismiss  his  groundless  fears,  and  en- 
deavour by  new  favors  to  reclaim  the  aftections  of 
the  General.'^ 

X.  Every  thing  being  at  length  prepared,  Cortes 
made  his  last  dispositions  for  departure.  So  great 
an  enter])rise  was  never  attempted  with  feebler 
means.  The  utmost  stretch  of  power  in  Cuba 
could  furnish  only  eleven  small  vessels.  The 
largest,  of  one  hundred  tons  burtlien,  was  dignified 
by  the  name  of  Admiral,  and  commanded  by  Cortes 
in  person;  three  were  of  seventy  or  eighty  tons,  and 
the  rest,  small  barks.  On  board  tliese  were  six  hun- 
dred and  seventeen  men,  of  whom  five  hundred  and 
eigjlit  belonged  to  the  land  service,  and  a  bundled 

*  Solis.  Rob. 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  39 

and  nine  were  seamen  and  artificers.  The  soldiers 
were  divided  into  as  many  companies  as  there  were 
ships,  to  each  of  which  a  captain  was  assigned,  hav- 
ing command  of  the  vessel  at  sea  and  of  the  men  on 
shore.  As  the  use  of  fire-arms  was  only  partially 
introduced  in  the  armies  of  Europe,  only  thii'teen 
soldiers  were  armed  with  muskets;  thirty-two  had 
cross-bows,  and  the  rest  swords  and  spears. 
There  were  sixteen  horses,  ten  small  field  pieces, 
and  four  falconets.  In  lieu  of  the  usual  iron  harness 
which  had  been  found  cumbersome  in  those  equi- 
noctial regions,  the  Spanish  soldier  prudently  adop- 
ted the  lighter  armour  of  the  natives,  the  Ichcahue- 
pilli  or  escaupile  as  they  pronounced  it,  jackets 
quilted  with  cotton,  which  were  found  to  be  sufli- 
cient  protection  against  the  Indian  weapons.  The 
artillery  was  commanded  by  Francisco  de  Orozco, 
an  officer  famed  in  the  wars  of  Italy.  The  expe- 
rienced Alaminos  was  chief  pilot.  With  the  usual 
combination  of  holy  and  profane  purposes  which  di- 
rected all  the  measures  of  the  Spaniards  in  Ameri- 
ca, Cortes  emblazoned  on  his  banners,  the  symbol 
and  legend  of  the  first  christian  standard  of  Con- 
stantine,*  Signmos  la  Cniz;  que  en  est  a  sehal 
veneceremos,  "  Let  us  follow  the  cross,for  under  this 
sign  we  shall  conquer."  In  this  conviction,  which 
was  as  firmly  fixed  as  their  religious  faith,  six  hun- 
dred men,  with  the  means  we  have  described,  set 
forth  to  subdue  an  empire. 

XI.  Having  resolved  to  foUov/  the  route  pursued 
by  Grijalva,  Cortes  save  orders  to  Alvarado,  to  seek 
de  Ordaz,  and  to  them,  and  other  officers  of  the 
fleet,  in  case  of  separation,  to  rendezvous  at  the 
island  of  Cozumel.  The  Armament  sailed  from  the 
Havanna  on  the  10th  of  February  1519;  high  mass 
being  first   celebrated,  a  duty  which  these  pious 

*  In  hoc  Signum  Vinces. 


40  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  ^I. 

warriors  never  neglected.  .  A  tempest,  Nvhich  rose 
on  the  nij^ht  of  their  departure,  environed  tlie  frail 
barks  witli  peril,  and  drove  that  commanded  by 
Alvarado,  so  deep  into  the  Gulph,  that  he  deemed 
it  more  prudent  to  sail  for  Cozumel,  than  to  obey 
the  orders  given  him  to  unite  with  Ordaz,  and  he 
arrived  at  the  island  two  days  before  the  fleet. 
Finding  the  shores  deserted,  the  inhabitants  flying 
at  the  approach  of  the  vessel,  he,  deeming  that  the 
duty  of  a  soldier  forbade  inaction,  or  more  proba- 
bly, that  the  occasion  was  a  happy  one  to  obtain  a 
rich  booty,  marched  into  the  interior,  and  pillaged 
some  food  from  the  dwellings,  and  some  gold  and 
copper  instruments  and  vessels,  from  the  temples, 
which  the  people  had  also  abandoned.  Upon  the 
arrival  of  Cortes,  who  had  been  joined  on  his  pas- 
sage by  the  ship  of  Ordaz,  he  censured  publicly 
and  severely  the  disobedience  of  Alvarado,  and 
the  license,  he  had  taken:  as  adapted  only  to  make 
enemies,  where  it  was  most  desirable  to  leave 
friends. 

XII.  Cortes  remained  several  days  inactive,  that 
he  might  not  give  further  alarm  to  the  natives;  and 
the  wisdom  of  this  course  became  apparent,  when, 
tlie  inhabitants,  loosing  their  apprehensions  of  dan- 
ger, approached  his  camp,  cautiously  at  first,  but, 
soon  to  mingle  in  the  utmost  freedom  witli  tlie  sol- 
diers. A  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  was  formed 
with  the  Cacique;  ana  the  forbearance,  of  the  Gene- 
ral was  most  richly  rewarded  by  obtaining:  an  inter- 
preter, the  want  of  which  formed  one  of  tlie  great- 
est obstacles  to  his  enterprise.  AVe  have  mention- 
ed elsewhere,*  that  two  of  the  companions  of  Val- 
dibia,  the  messenger  despatched  by  Balboa  in 
1510  to  St.  Domingo,  had  escaped  from  shipwreck 
and  had  been  reserved  from  sacritice  by  the  inhabi- 

*  See  Vol.  If.  p.  79 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  41 

tants  of  Yucatan.  Whilst  conversing  with  the 
islanders,  through  the  medium  of  one  ot  the  priso- 
ners who  had  been  captured  by  Cordova,  Cortes 
heard  the  word  Castilla  repeatedly,but  indistinctly, 
pronounced  by  his  visitors,  immediately  instituted 
an  inquiry,  which  resulted  in  the  information,  that 
these  Spaniards  were  in  the  neighbouring  territo- 
ries of  the  continent,  distant  about  four  leagues. 
His  first  idea  was  to  rescue  his  countrymen  by 
force;  but  the  friendly  Cacic^ue  of  Cozumel  intima- 
ting that  such  an  attempt  might  cause  the  death  of 
the  captives,  the  General,  commending  his  pru- 
dence, sent  a  party  in  two  light  vessels,  under  the 
command  of  de  Ordaz,  with  instructions  that  one 
should  coast  for  eight  days  at  the  point  of  Catoche, 
for  the  messengers,  and  that  the  second  should  re- 
port their  progress.  The  Indians  engaged  in 
the  mission  were  abundantly  furnished  with  beads 
and  other  toys,  to  pay  a  full  ransom  for  the  priso- 
ners. In  the  meantim>e  Cortes  resolved  to  surv^ey 
the  island.  At  a  short  distance  from  the  coast,  he 
discovered  a  temple  in  which  was  an  idol,  much 
venerated  and  wrought  with  no  despicable  art.  The 
form  was  human, but  the  features  were  horribly  dis- 
torted. The  name  Cozumel  was  given  to  the  figure, 
whence  that  of  the  island  was  derived.  When 
the  Spaniards  approached  the  sanctuary,  they  be- 
held amid  a  great  concourse  of  Indians,  a  priest, 
who  was  addressing  them  with  great  force  and  ges- 
ticulation. Cortes  immediately  interrupted  him, 
and  turning  to  the  Cacique  who  accompanied  him, 
assured  the  latter,  that  the  continuance  of  their 
friendship  would  depend  upon  the  abandonment 
by  himself  and  his  subjects,  of  the  worship  of  their 
false  gods.  He  maintained  the  propriety  of  this 
demand,  with  so  many,  and  such  satisfactory  ar- 
guments, that  the  astounded  and  convicted  chief- 
tain, wlio  doubtless  understood  all  that  was  said  to 
5* 


42  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

liim,  was  wholly  unable  to  reply.*  But  as  he  de- 
ferred in  all  religious  matters,  most  wisely,  to  the 
priests,!  he  craved  permission  to  submit  the  subject 
to  their  consideration.  At  the  conclusion  of  their 
conference,  a  venerable  minister  of  the  altar  sur- 
rounded by  priests  of  inferior  dignity,  advanced 
towards  Cortes,  and  in  a  loud  voice  denounced  the 
vengeance  of  heaven  against  all  who  should  dare  to 
disturb  the  worship  of  its  idols,  declaring  that,  ex- 
emplary punishment  would  immediately  follow  the 
sacrilegious  deed.  But  t]\e  General,  equally  in- 
structed and  zealous  in  the  true  faith,  knew  that 
heaven  was  leagued  against,  and  not  with,  idolators; 
and,  therefore,  irritated  by  these  empty  threats,  suf- 
fered, if  he  did  not  command,  his  equally  zealous 
soldiers  to  cast  down  the  hideous  idols,  and  to  sub- 
stitute upon  the  altars,  after  purification,  the  more 
seemly  simulations  of  the  Virgin  Mother,  and  the 
True  Cross.  The  Indians,  priests,  and  laity,  be- 
held this  bold  deed  of  their  daring  visitors,  with 
horror  and  dismayj  but  as  the  sun  did. not  withdraw 
his  light,  nor  the  earth  tremble,  nor  nature  leave 
its  usual  order  to  avenge  it,  they  recognized  the 
great  truth,  that  the  deity  is  indifferent  to  the  form 
of  worship  adopted  by  his  creatures,  so  that  it  be 
innocent  and  sincere;  or  what  is  more  probable, 
in  their  ignorance,  they  despised  gods,  so  long  suf- 
fering and  slow  to  anger,  and  therefore  readily 
transferred  their  adorations,  to  others  more  prompt 
to  action,  and  sustained  by  greater  power. 

XIII.  The  Indian  messengers  not  appearing 
within  the  time  fixed  fur  their  return,  Cortes 
weighed  anchor  and  continued  his  voyage,  but  he 
was  a  few  hours  only  at  sea  when  he  was  compelled 
to  return,  in  consequence  of  the  leaky  condition  of 
the  vessel   commanded  by  Juan  Ecalante.     This 

•  Solis  t  Cuiquc  in  suu  arte  civdciulDm  est. 


I 


CH.  11.  MEXICO.  43 

was,  indeed,  a  providential  delay;  for,  at  the  end  of 
four  days  employed  in  repairing  the  ship,  our  ad- 
venturers beheld,  approaching  from  the  continent, 
a  canoe  filled  with  armed  Indians,  who  with  un- 
wonted diligence  and  regardless  of  the  squadron, 
strained  every  nerve  to  attain  the  island.  Upon 
landing,  one  of  the  party,  in  appearance  like  to  his 
companions,  stepped  forward  and  addressed  in 
Castilian,  the  soldiers  despatched  by  Cortes  to  in- 
tercept them.  This  was  Geronimo  de  Aquilar, 
whom  eight  years  slavery  among  barbarians  had 
almost  converted  into  a  savage,  and  who,  whilst 
acquiring  their  language  had  almost  forgotten  his 
own.  Through  many  years  of  suffering,  he  had 
finally  attained  a  high  degree  of  favor  among  his 
captors.  Palos  de  Moguer,  the  other  survivor  of 
Valdibia's  crew,  who  had  reached  the  rank  of  a 
military  chieftain;  had  wedded  an  Indian  wife,  and 
had  several  children,  preferred  the  simple  enjoy- 
ments by  which  he  was  surrounded,  to  the  perils  of 
Spanish  adventure,  and  ingloriously,  but  not  un- 
wisely, abandoned  himself  to  domestic  happiness. 
Another  reason,  however,  equally  powerful  for  his 
refusal,  was,  that  as  an  Indian  leader  he  had  plan- 
ned and  conducted  the  attack  against  Cordova  the 
preceding  year.* 

XIV.  The  scjuadron  set  forth  for  the  second 
time,  from  the  island  of  Cozumel,  on  the  4th  of 
March.  Having  doubled  the  cape  of  Catoche, 
Cortes,  instigated  by  some  soldiers  who  had  been 
with  Cordova  and  Grijalva,  was  disposed  to  land 
and  chastise  the  inhabitants  for  their  resistance  to 
these  captains,  but  was  deterred  by  the  remon- 
strances of  his  pilots,  and  the  unfavorable  position 
of  the  wind.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  the  river  of 
Tobasco,  attracted  by  the  friendly  conduct  of  the 

*  Bemal  Diaz. 


44  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.*II. 

inhabitants  towards  Grij.ilva,  ?av\  by  l';c  quantity 
ofgoUl  which  he  had  obtained  there.  Cortes,  how- 
ever, was  surprised  to  discover,  that  trom  some  un- 
known cause,  tlie  disposition  of  the  people  was 
totally  changed.  A  large  force  resisted  his  de- 
scent, with  arms,  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  every  ami- 
cable overture  which  he  made  them,  by  means  of 
Aquilar,  Avho  perfectly  understood  their  language. 
After  an  obstinate  combat  the  Spaniards  made  good 
their  landing;  and  though  Cortes  did  not  desire  to 
commence  his  conquests  here,  nor  to  be  delayed  in 
his  course,  he  deemed  it  indispensable  to  reduce 
the  confidence,  and  chastise  the  presumption  of  his 
present  enemies.  The  Indians  driven  from  the 
shore,  retired  to  their  town  of  Tobasco,  which  was 
fortified  by  a  wooded  stockade.  Tliis,  however, 
proved  a  feeble  defence  against  the  skill  of  the  in- 
vaders, who,  after  a  smart  engagement  without  and 
witliin  the  walls,  became  masters  of  the  city.  This 
evident  superiority  of  the  Spanish  power,  would 
probably  have  induced  the  Tobascans  to  sue  for 
peace,  and  to  cultivate  the  favor  of  the  conquerors, 
had  they  not  been  stimulated  to  try  the  fate  of 
another  battle,  by  the  representations  of  Melchior, 
the  survivor  of  the  Indians  taken  by  Cordova. 
This  lad,  leaving  his  Spanish  garments  hanging  upon 
a  tree,  fled  to  his  countrymen,  and  communicated 
to  them  the  small  number  of  the  Spanish  forces; 
informing  them  at  the  same  time,  that  the  strangers 
were  not  immortal,  and  were  not  armed  with  the 
lightning,  as  the  Indians  had  supposed. — In  a  skir- 
mish of  the  succeeding  day,  Cortes  made,  some 
prisoners,  from  whom  he  learned  that,  all  the  Ca- 
ciques of  the  country  with  their  respective  forces, 
had  been  summoned,  and  would  with  their  united 
masses  fall  upon  the  Spaniards.  Thus  forewarned, 
he  had  time  to  get  his  horses  on  shore,  and  to  make 
the  best  disposition  for  the  attack.     lie  called  a 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  45 

council  of  war  composed,  of  all  his  officers,  as  was 
ever  his  custom  on  momentous  occasions,  and  ob- 
tained their  unanimous  opinion  that  the  subjection 
of  this  province  was  indispensable  to  their  further 
progress. 

Cortes  drew  out  his  armj  from  the  town  and 
placed  it  in  an  elevated  and  advantageous  position, 
where  he  awaited  the  approach  of  the  enemy.* 
Confident  in  their  numbers,  wiiich  the  Spaniards 
have  given  at  forty  thousand,  the  Indians  rushed 
impetuously  upon  the  lines,  regardless  of  the  dis- 
charge from  the  cross  bows  and  arquebusses,  and 
by  a  close  conflict,  rendering  these  weapons  less 
available;  but  they  were  unable  to  withstand  tlie 
keen  and  enduring  edge  of  the  Spanish  sword,  the 
overwhelming  charge  of  the  horses,  and,  the  sweep- 
ing desolation  of  the  artillery;  and  after  a  short 
but  severe  contest  this  immense  army  was  put  to 
flight,  with  the  loss  of  eight  hundred  killed  and 
many  more  wounded.  The  Spaniards  lost  by  death 
only  two  men,  but  a  considerable  number  was 
wounded. t  To  account  for  this  great  disproportion, 
the  Spanish  writers,  after  Gomara,  resort  to  mira- 
cles, and  relate,  that  lago  the  tutelar  saint  of  their 
country  fought  at  the  head  of  their  countrymen, 
and,  by  his  prowess  determined  the  fate  of  the 
battle.  The  frank  old  soldier  Bernal  Diaz  is  much 
puzzled,  to  preserve  a  due  respect  to  this  relation 
and  a  strict  regard  for  truth.  ''I  acknowledge" 
says  he  ''that  all  our  exploits  and  victories  are 
owing  to  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  and  that  in  this 
battle  there  was  such  a  number  of  Indians,  to  each 
one  of  us,  that  if  each  had  thrown  a  handful  of 
earth,  tliey  might  have  buried  us,  if  by  the  great 
mercy  of  God  we  had  not  been  protected.     It  may 

*  25th  of  March. 

t  The  Indians  sustained  this  hattle  against  such  novel   an(l 
superior  T\eapons,  for  a  full  hour  before  thej  gave  way. 


46  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA,  Clf   II. 

be,  that  the  person  \vhom  Gomara  mentions,  as  ha- 
ving appeared  on  a  mottled  grey  horse  was  the  glo- 
rious apostle  Signior  San  lago  or  Signior  San  Pe- 
dro, and  that  I,  as  being  a  sinner  was  unworthy  to 
see  him.  This  I  know,  that  I  saw  Francisco  de 
Morla  on  such  a  horse,but  as  an  unworthy  transgres- 
sor did  not  deserve  to  see  any  of  the  holy  apostles. 
It  may  have  been  the  will  of  God  that  it  was,  so,  as 
Gomara  relates,  but  until  I  read  his  chronicle,  I 
never  heard  among  any  of  the  conquerors,  that 
such  a  thing  had  happened." 

On  the  day  succeeding  the  battle,  Cortes  ordered 
the  prisoners,  amonj^  whom  were  several  chiefs,  to 
be  conducted  into  his  presence.  They  appeared 
oppressed  with  fear,  apprehending  the  fate  which 
usually  attended  their  own  captives.  But  the  con- 
queror receiving  them  with  great  benignity,  set 
them  at  liberty,  made  them  some  presents,  and 
dismissed  them;  saying,  that,  "  He  who  knew  how 
to  conquer,  also  knew  how  to  pardon."  This  cle- 
mency produced  the  happiest  eftects.  Some  hours 
after,  tliere  came  to  the  Spanish  camp,  several  In- 
dians laden  with  maize,  fowls,  and  other  provi- 
sions, to  beg  a  remission  of  hostilities  and  a  pac- 
tion of  peace.  But  at  the  instance  of  Aquilar,  who 
represented  that  it  was  the  practice  among  the  na- 
tions of  this  country  on  such  occasions,  to  solicit 
peace,  not  by  men  of  the  vulgar  class,  like  the 
present  petitioners,  but  by  nobles  clad  in  their  best 
garments  and  adorned  with  jewels,  Cortes  refused 
to  receive  their  proposals,  bidding  them  inform 
their  prince,  that,  "  if  he  desired  peace  he  must 
solicit  it  by  more  dijinified  embassadors."  On  the 
next  day  appeared  thirty  nobles  radiant  with  va- 
riee:ate(l  plumes  and  glittering  jewels,  and  accom- 
panied by  many  servants  charged  with  provisions. 
The  general  assuming  high  state,  surrounded 
by  his  captains,  received  them  with  great  gravity. 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  4T 

The  embassadors  approached,  with  much  humility 
and  ceremony,  casting  before  them  a  perfumed 
cloud  of  incense,  from  their  burning  censors,  and, 
excusing  the  past  conduct  of  their  people,  earnest- 
ly sued  for  peace.  Cortes  rebuked  them  ^vith 
much  severity,  that  his  condescension  might  be  the 
more  valued,  but  finally  granting  their  recjuest,  sent 
them  away  highly  contented,  and  enriched  by  gifts 
wliich  they  greatly  valued.  The  treaty  of  peace 
was  confirmed  by  a  visit  from  the  principal  Cacique, 
by  the  return  of  the  inhabitants  to  their  dwellings 
in  Tobasco,  and  by  the  formal  submission  of  the 
country  to  the  crown  of  Spain.  The  General  ac- 
cepted a  present  of  some  cotton  garments,  some 
gold  and  twenty  female  slaves.  *  In  memory  of 
his  victory  he  founded  here  a  small  city,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Madonna  del  Victoria^  which 
continued  a  long  time  the  capital  of  the  province, 
but  which  was  depopulated  in  the  middle  of  the 
17th  century  by  the  frequent  invasion  of  the  En- 
glish. The  fugitive  Melchor,  was  ungratefully  trea- 
ted by  his  countrymen  for  his  patriotism,  being  sa- 
crificed to  the  gods. 

XV.  Warned  at  length  by  his  pilots,  that  further 
delay  vrould  peril  his  vessels,Cortes  weighed  anchor 
and  continuing  his  course  westward,  along  the  pro- 
vince of  Coatzacualeo,  and  crossing  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Papaloapan,  entered  the  part  of  St.  Juan 
de  Ulua,  on  the  21st  of  April.  As  he  sailed  into  the 
harbour  a  periogue,  filled  with  people,  two  of  whom, 
seemed  persons  of  distinction,  approached  his  ship, 
with  signs  of  peace  and  amity.  They  came  on 
board  without  fear  or  distrust,  and  addressed  him 
in  a  most  respectful  manner,  but  in  language  alto- 
gether unknown  to  Aquilar.  Cortes  was  in  the 
utmost  perplexity  at  an  event,  of  which  he  instant- 

•  Soils,  Hen-ei*a,  Cemal  Diaz,  Clavisrero. 


48  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CI»  II. 

\y  saw  all  the  consequences,  and  already  felt  the 
hesitation  and  uncertainty  with  which  he  should 
carry  on  the  great  schemes  he  meditated,  if  in  his 
transactions  with  the  natives,  he  must  depend  en- 
tirely upon  such  an  imperfect  mode  of  communica- 
tion as  the  use  of  signs.  He  was  delivered  from 
this  embarrassing  situation  by  one  of  those  fortu- 
nate accidents  which  seem  to  wait  on  daring  enter- 
prise. One  of  the  female  slaves  he  had  received 
from  the  Cacique  of  Tobasco,  understood  the  Mex- 
ican language  and  being  present  at  this  interview 
with  his  new  guests,  and  perceiving  his  distress 
and  the  confusion  of  Aquilar  explained  what  they 
said  in  the  Yucatan  tongue  to  the  latter,  who  inter- 
preted it  to  Cortes. 

XVI.  Donna  Marina  makes  a  considerable  figure 
in  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  She  was 
distinguished  by  birth,  beauty  and  genius,  and  was 
born  at  Painalla  a  village  of  the  Mexican  province 
of  Coatzalcualco.  Her  father  had  been  a  feudato- 
ry of  the  crown,  under  which,  he  held  the  govern- 
ment of  several  districts.  Her  mother  becoming 
a  widow  married  another  husband,  by  whom  she 
had  a  son.  The  greater  love  she  bore  to  the  fruit 
of  her  second  marriage,  led  her  to  sacrifice  that  of 
the  first.  The  daughter  was  given  to  some  slave 
merchants  of  Xicallanco,  who  sold  her  in  Tobasco, 
whose  sovereign  presented  her  to  Cortes,  uncon- 
scious that  he  was  arming  him  most  efficiently,  for 
the  conquest  of  the  neiglibouring  nations.  Beside 
her  native  tongue,  she  spoke  the  Maja-,  that  of  Yu- 
catan and  Tobasco;  and  in  an  incredible  short  pe- 
riod acquired  the  Spanish  language  also.  Being 
instructed  in  the  christian  faith  and  solemnly  bap- 
tized, she  became  the  mistress  of  Cortes.  She  was 
ever  faithful  to  the  Spaniards,  was  their  interpreter 
in  all  negotiations,  and  preserved  them  from  many 
dangers  by  her  knowledge  of  the  language  and  her 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  49 

acuteness  in  penetrating  the  designs  of  their  ene- 
mies. She  bore  the  Conqueror  a  son  who  was 
called  Don  Martin  Cortes,  was  knight  of  the  mi- 
litary order  of  San  lago,  and  was  on  account  of 
some  ill  grounded  suspicion  of  rebellion,  put  to  the 
torture  hi  the  year  1568.  During  the  long  and 
hazardous  voyage  Mhich  Marina  made  with  Cortes 
to  the  province  of  Honduras,  in  1524,  she  passed 
through  her  native  country,  when  her  mother  and 
brother  presented  themselves  before  her,  bathed  in 
tears  and  covered  with  confusion,  dreading  her 
vengeance  for  the  wrongs  done  to  her  infancy;  but 
she  received  them  with  great  aftection,  and  freely 
pardoned  a  crime  which  had  been  productive  of 
such  extraordinary  results.* 

XVII.  Cortes  now  learned  that  the  two  distin- 
guished personages  he  had  received  on  board  his 
ship  were  messengers  from  Teuhtlile  and  Cuitlal- 
pitocA  officers  entrusted  with  the  government  of 
that  province,  by  the  great  monarch  Montezuma; 
and  that  they  were  sent  to  inquire  his  purpose  in 
visiting  that  coast,  and  to  offer  him  whatever  assis- 
tance he  might  need  to  continue  his  voyage.  Sur- 
prised by  the  appearance  of  these  embassadors,  as 
well  as  by  the  tenor  of  their  message,  he  assured 
them  in  very  respectful  terms,  that  he  came  with 
the  most  friendly  intentions  to  trade  with  them, 
and  to  confer  with  their  prince  on  matters  of  great 
importance  to  him  and  his  kingdom,  which  he  would 
more  fully  communicate  in  person  to  the  governors, 
and  that  he  hoped  for  the  same  favorable  reception 
which  had  been  accorded  to  his  countrymen  in  the 
past  year.  To  conciliate  the  messengers  he  made 
them  taste  some  Spanish  wine,  and  presented  to 
them  some  trifles,  which  he  deemed  worthy  of  their 


•  Claviejero,  book  viii, 

+  Kot  Pilpatoe,  as  Robertson  writes  it.  Clavigero,  ib. 


50  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  Oft,  II. 

acceptance.  On  the  next  morning,  Good  Friday, 
without  uniting  a  reply,  he  hmded  his  troops,  with 
all  their  equipage,  and  assisted  by  the  >lexican9 
raised  and  t'ortitied  his  camp  upon  the  sandy  shore, 
Aviiere  at  present  stands  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz.* 

XVIII.  Upon  Easter  Sunday,  Teuhtlile  and 
Cuitlalpitoc  attended  by  a  numerous  retinue  arrived 
at  the  Spanish  camp.  Cortes  received  them  with 
great  ceremony,  not,  as  naked  and  brutal  savages, 
such  as  the  Spaniards  tlien  lield  the  natives  of  Ameri- 
ca,generally, but  as  the  mini-stersof  a  great  and  pow- 
erful monarch,  entitled  to  the  courtesy  due  to  civi- 
lized nations.  High  Mass  was  solemnly  celebra- 
ted, after  which  the  embassadors  were  invited  to 
partake  of  a  sumptuous  entertainment.  When  the 
cloth  was  removed,  Cortes  drew  his  guests  apart, 
and  informed  them  that  he  came  embassador  from 
Don  Carlos  of  Austria, King  of  Castile,  the  greatest 
king  of  the  East,  charged  with  propositions  of  such 
moment,  not  only  to  the  person  and  estate  of  the 
Mexican  monarch,  but  to  the  welfare  of  all  his 
vassals  that  he  could  impart  them  only  to  the  Em- 
peror himself:  and  therefore,  he  expected,  thej 
would  immediately  conduct  him  to  their  prince, 
by  whom  he  expected  to  be  received  with  the  kind 
attentions  due  to  the  greatness  of  the  sovereign 
who  had  sent  him. 

Teuhtlile  replied  with  dignity  and  courtesy  to 
this  demand.  *'You  are  scarcely  arrived  in  this 
land,  and  yet  desire  immediately  to  see  our  king, 
I  have  listened  with  pleasure  to  your  report  of 
the  greatness  of  your  sovereign;  but  know,  that 
ours,  is  not  less  great  than  he.  I  had  not  supposed 
that  his  equal  in  power  existed  in  the  world;  but  as 
you  assert  the  fact,  I  will  cause  it  to  be  communi- 
cated to  him,  and  I  cannot  doubt,  tliat  he  will  re- 

•  Bernal  Diaz.  SoUs. 


Cfl.  11.  MEXICO.  51 

joice  in  receiving  intelligence  of  your  monarch, 
and  will  do  honor  to  his  embassador.  In  the  mean 
time,  I  pray  you  to  accept  the  inconsiderable  pre- 
sent I  now  ofter  you  in  his  name."*  Lipon 
which  many  slaves  approached  loaded  with  provi- 
sions, consisting  of  fowls,  fruit,  and  roasted  fish, 
ten  packages  of  fine  cotton  mantles  adorned  with 
feathers,  and  a  petlacaUi  or  small  basket  of  woven 
reeds  containing  golden  ornaments,  of  admirable 
workmanship.! 

Cortes  received  these  articles  witli  equal  sur- 
prise and  gratification.  If  the  Mexican  embassa- 
dors designed  to  repress  the  inclination  of  the 
Spaniards  to  proceed  to  Mexico,  they  adopted  the 
worst  possible  means  to  attain  their  object.  The 
desire  of  the  latter  to  become  masters  of  a  country 
abounding  with  such  precious  productions,  was 
thereby  greatly  stimulated.  Cortes  repaid  the  pre- 
sent of  the  chief  by  one  prepared  for  Montezuma, 
consisting  of  an  arm  chair,  richly  carved  aitd  paint- 
ed, some  artificial  jewels  enveloped  in  perfumed 
cotton,  a  string  of  artificial  diamonds,  and  a  crimson 
cap,  with  a  gold  medal,  having  the  device  of  St. 
George  killing  the  dragon. 

XIX.  During  this  interview,  some  painters, 
brought  by  the  Mexican  chiefs  for  the  purpose, 
\Tere  engaged  in  delineating  with  much  skill,  upon 
prepared  cotton  canvas,  figures  of  the  ships,  the 
horses,  artillery,  soldiers,  and  of  every  object  which 

•  Robertson,  after  Soils,  Avhoni,  not-withstanding  his  reprehen- 
sion, he  seems  mudi  to  follow,  says  that  Teuhtlile  at  this  inter- 
view endeavoured  to  dissuade  Cortes  from  visiting  Montezuma. 
Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  a  witness  to  the  interview,  does  not  men- 
lion  this,  but  says,  that  the  Mexican  assured  Cortes  his  applica- 
tion should  immediatL'ly  be  made,  and  an  aaswer  transmitted; 
and  Clavigero  denies  the  fact  with  some  asperity,  and  observes 
that  "  it  appears  from  tlie  testimony  of  ancient  and  better  histo- 
rians, he  did  not  oppose  him  until  he  had  a  positive  order  froKi 
his  king  to  that  purpose. "  Clavigero,  book  8.  note. 

t  Soils.  B.  Diaz.  Herrera,  Clavigero. 


52  HISTORY  or  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

they  deemed  most  worthy  the  attention  of  their 
prince.  When  Cortes  was  informed  of  this,  in  order 
to  make  a  deep  and  vivid  impression  of  his  power 
on  the  mind  of  the  King,  he  ordered  the  trumpets 
to  sound  to  arms:  the  troops  were  instantly  formed 
in  order  of  battle,  the  infantry  and  cavalry  per- 
formed their  appropriate  evolutions;  the  artillery 
pointed  towards  the  thick  woods,  which  surrounded 
the  camp,  was  fired,  and  made  great  havoc  among 
the  trees.  The  Indians  gazed  upon  these  proceed- 
ings with  stupor  and  amazement,  until  the  canon 
were  discharged,  when  some  fled,  others  fell  to  the 
ground,  and  all  were  so  much  confounded,  that 
Cortes  had  some  difficulty  to  restore  their  confi- 
dence. The  painters  had  now  many  new  objects 
for  their  art,  all  of  which,  were, however,  represent- 
ed with  great  distinctness.*  Teuhtlile,  the  most 
observing  of  the  two  officers,  regarded  with  curious 
attention,  a  gilt  helmet  on  the  head  of  one  of  the 
soldiers,  remarking, that  it  was  similar  to  that  which 
had  been  worn  by  one  of  their  ancestors  and  now 
covered  the  head  of  their  great  God  Huitzilopochtli, 
and  begged  permission  to  carry  it  to  Montezuma. 
Cortes  granted  his  request,  stipulating  that  the  hel- 
met should  be  returned  to  him,  filled  with  gold  dust, 
that  he  might  ascertain,  whether  that  nietal  as  dug 
from  the  mines  of  Mexico,  was  like  that  of  his  na- 
tive country.! 

XX.  We  have  already  noticed  the  establishment 
of  carriers  which  was  maintained  by  Montezuma^ 
and  it  would  seem,  that  Teuhtlile  luid  been  trained 
in  this  service,  from  the  speed  with  which  he  bore 

*  B.  Diaz. 

+  Clavigero,  book  8,  note,  reports,  as  he  says,  after  some  his- 
torians, that  Cortes  remarked,  ^vlien  making;  tiiis  condition,  that 
his  companions  and  himself  suffered  a  certain  disease  of  tlie 
heart,  which  could  be  cured  by  gold  only.  Si  noil  6  vera  ^  ben 
trovato. 

4  ^^ol.  3.  265.  266. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  53 

the  message  and  presents  of  Cortes  to  Montezuma. 
His  colleague,  Cuitlalpitoc  remained  near  the  Span- 
ish army,  that  he  might  watch  its  motions,  and  ren- 
der to  its  leader  the  hospitable  services  commanded 
by  his  king. 

The  reader  will  recollect,  as  we  have  stated, that 
about  this  time,  many  prophetic  warnings  had  been 
given  to  Montezuma,  of  the  approaching  end  of  his 
dynasty;  the  destroyer  of  which  he  was  taught  to 
expect  from  the  East,  the  quarter  whence  the  Span- 
iards had  come.  The  arrival  of  Cordova  and  GrijalvA 
upon  the  neighbouring;  coast  had  already  given  him 
great  uneasiness,  and  he  looked  for  the  next  visit  of 
these  mysterious  strangers  with  excessive  apprehen- 
sion, which  was  not  diminished  by  the  demonstra- 
tions now  offered  to  him,  of  their  power.  He  had 
instant  recourse  to  his  priests  and  his  gods  for  con- 
solation and  advice.  The  former,  averse  to  novel- 
ties which  were  not  obviously  pregnant  with  ad- 
vantages to  their  order,  and  probably  dreading  the 
rivalry  of  a  religion,  of  which  they  must  have 
received  some  notion  from  those  who  had  witnessed 
the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  counselled  the  monarch  to 
reject  the  prayer  of  the  Spaniards  for  admission  to 
his  presence. 

To  communicate  this  ungracious  answer,  the  king 
selected  a  distinguished  personage  of  his  court,  whose 
strong  resemblance  in  form  and  feature  to  the 
Spanish  general,  he  conceived  might  render  it  less 
offensive.* 

XXI.  In  seven  days  after  the  departure  of  Teuhtlile 
from  the  Spanish  campt  the  embassador,  attended 
by  a  train  of  a  hundred  slaves,  loaded  with  presents, 
arrived  on  the  coast.  ^Vhen  he  came  into  the  pre- 
sence of  Cortes,  he  touched  the  earth  with  his  hand 

*BemalDiaz.  See  vol.  3.  348. 

t  Tlie  distance  between  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico  is  seventy 
leagues — 210  miles. 

G* 


54  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH/lI. 

and  carried  it  to  his  mouth,  offered  incense  to  him 
and  his  officers,  and  seating  himself  on  a  chair 
placed  for  him,  he  congratulated  the  General  in  the 
name  of  the  King,  on  his  arrival  in  that  country, 
expressed  his  majesty's  pleasure  in  learning  that 
men  so  gallant  and  brave,  had  visited  his  king- 
dom, and  his  satisfaction  at  the  intelligence  they 
had  brought  of  their  great  monarch  and  at  the 
nature  of  the  present  which  had  been  sent  him,  a 
token  of  which  he  now  offered  by  his  minister.  The 
magnificence  of  the  present  brougiit  by  the  embas- 
sador, was  such  as  became  the  high  rank  of  the 
donor.  The  articles  were  arranged  in  tlie  most 
advantageous  order  for  exhibition  on  mats  and  car- 
pets; and  the  Spaniards  beheld  with  admiration  the 
various  manufactures  of  the  country,  among  which 
were  gems  beautifully  set;  figures  of  various  ani- 
mals in  gold;  thirty  bales  of  tine  cotton  cloth  of 
various  colours,  partly  interwoven  with  rich  feathers; 
several  species  of  feather-work  of  surpassing  excel- 
lence, embellished  with  golden  ornaments;  and  the 
gilded  casque  filled  with  grains  of  native  gold.  But 
they  were  most  astonished,  by  two  large  circular 
plates,  one  of  gold,  representing  the  sun,  about  five 
feet  in  diameter,  valued  by  B.  Diaz  at  twenty  thou- 
sand crowns  or  five  thousand  pounds  sterling;  the 
other  of  silver,  much  larger,  emblematic  of  the  moon; 
each  was  surrounded  with  figures  in  bas  relief. 
"This  present,"  said  the  speaker  to  his  delighted 
auditors,  *'  my  sovereign  sends  to  tlie  General  and 
his  companions,  but  for  your  King  he  will  in  a  short 
time  prepare  jewels  of  inestimable  value.  In  the 
meanwhile,  you  will  remain  on  this  slmre,  so  long  as 
it  shall  be  agreeable  to  you,  for  repose  after  the  fa- 
tij^es  of  your  voyage,  and  to  provide  yourselves 
with  necessaries  to  return  to  your  native  country. 
If  you  desire  any  thing  from  us  for  your  sovereign, 
it  shall  be  given  to  you  immediately;  but  with  re- 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  55 

spect  to  your  demand  of  visiting  our  Court,  I  am 
cnarged  to  dissuade  you  from  so  difficult  and  ha- 
zardous a  journey,  the  way  lying  through  uninhabi- 
ted desarts,  and  die  country  of  our  enemies." 

XXII.  Cortes  received  this  rich  and  extraordi- 
nary present  with  many  expressions  of  gratitude, 
but  ^vlth  a  resolution  more  fixed  than  ever,  if  that 
•were  possible,  to  make  his  way  to  Mexico.  He  re- 
quested the  missionaries  to  solicit  again,  of  their 
master,  permission  for  this  purpose,  and  to  represent 
to  him  the  many  dangers  and  privations  the  Castil- 
lians  had  already  incurred,  to  make  this  visit,  and 
the  great  disappointment  and  displeasure  his  sover- 
eign must  feel,  should  his  hopes  be  frustrated;  add- 
ing, that  the  Spaniards  never  weighed  danger  or 
fatigue  against  their  duty.  The  embassador  en- 
gaged to  make  this  report  to  the  king,  and  having 
received  some  small  presents  for  himself,  and  others 
for  Montezuma,  he  returned  to  the  Court,  taking 
with  him  Teuhtlile,  who  was  joined  in  commission, 
but  leaving  the  more  warlike  Cuitlalpitoc  with  a 
force  to  watch,  if  not  to  controul,  the  motions  of  the 
strangers. 

XXIII.  Finding  himself  in  his  present  situation 
exposed  to  the  inconvenience  of  heat  and  insects, 
and  apprehensive  of  injury  to  his  ships  from  the 
north  wind,  to  which  the  harbour  of  Vera  Cruz  is 
exposed,  Cortes  despatched  Montejo  with  two  ves- 
sels, to  survey  the  coast,  toward  Panuco,  and  seek 
a  more  advantageous  port.  In  a  few  days,  that 
officer  reported,  that  he  had  found  a  desirable  posi- 
tion, thirty-six  miles  from  Ulua,  near  to  a  city  well 
situated  for  defence.* 

XXIV.  The  pertinacious  adherence  to  his  pur- 
pose by  Cortes,  roused  the  vindictive  passions  of 
Montezuma,  and  had  he  listened  only  to  the  sug- 

*  B.  Diaz.  Clavigero. 


56 


ei. 


n. 


a  si: 


nt, 


w»r: 


B 
nir 

MM»C 

Slav 
sac: 

w«  : 
rek: 


PWTS 


toe 

tole 
appr 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  57 

sent,  vvhich  incited  more  powerfully  their  staj. 
Teuhtlile  bore  to  Cortes  the  emperor's  decree  and 
the  present  Ibr  the  king  of  Spain.  The  latter  con- 
sisted of  various  ^vorks  of  wrought  gold,  ten  bales 
of  robes  of  feather  mosaic  and  four  emeralds  or 
precious  green  stones,  each  of  which  was  valued  by 
the  Indians,  at  a  load  of  gold.  During  this  visit 
Teuhtlile  observed,  that  the  Spaniards,  at  the  sound 
of  the  bell,  at  the  hour  of  prayer,  knelt  before  the 
cross,  and  in  wonder  asked,  why  they  adored  that 
piece  of  wood  .^  Father  Olraedo  thence  took  occa- 
sion to  explain  to  him  the  principles  of  the  christian 
religion,  to  remonstrate  against  the  abomination  of 
worshipping  idols,  and  the  inhumanity  of  their 
sacrifices.  And  Cortes  added,  that  one  of  the  great 
objects  of  his  mission  w^as  the  conversion  of  Monte- 
zuma and  his  subjects  to  the  only  true  faith;  and 
that  having  for  this  praiseworthy  and  disinterested 
purpose,  come  so  great  a  distance,  it  was  utterly 
impossible  that  he  should  return  without  having 
seen  the  king  and  attempted  its  execution.  At  this 
peremptory  declaration,  the  Mexican  officers  turn- 
ed from  him  abruptly,  and  quitted  the  camp  with 
looks  and  gestures  expressive  of  surprise  and  re- 
sentment. "^ 

But  the  proceedings  of  Cortes  did  not  receive 
the  unanimous  approbation  of  his  followers.  Among 
adventurers  nearly  of  the  same  rank  and  serving  at 
their  own  charge,  the  dignity  of  command  did  not 
elevate  him  above  the  necessity  of  mingling  freely 
with  them,  and  submitting  his  actions  to  their  judg- 
ment. On  the  propriety  of  prosecuting  their  en- 
terprise, various  opmions  prevailed.  Many  behold- 
ing the  wealth  of  the  country  which  their  imagina- 
tions multiplied  tenfold,  would  see  no  danger,  nor 
conceive  any  impediment  to  its  enjoyment:  others 

*  Solis.  B.  Diaz.  Clavigero.  Robertson. 


5B  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CS.  ir. 

measuring  the  power  of  the  monarch  by  his  opu- 
lence, and  by  the  order  apparent  in  his  government, 
believed  it  utter  madness  to  attack  such  a  state 
with  their  feeble  means.  The  partisans  of  Velas- 
ques  sustained  the  latter  opinion,  in  which  they 
were  greatly  vStrengthened,  by  the  departure  of  the 
Mexicans,  who  had  supplied  the  camp  with  provi- 
sions, and  the  consternation  of  the  troops  at  the 
apparent  approach  of  famine.  But  the  former  opin- 
ion possessed  Cortes  himself  and  the  less  numerous 
but  bolder  spirits  of  the  army.  It  is  possible  that 
the  intentions  of  Cortes  when  he  accepted  the  com- 
mand under  Velasques  were  loyal.  But  minds  like 
his  are  not  formed  for  examplars  of  subordination, 
and  the  course  of  Velasques  himself,  and  of  almost 
every  distinguished  man  in  America,  did  not  teach 
him  that  fealty  and  obedience  to  superiors  were  the 
first  of  virtues.  It  is  more  probable,  that  the  Go- 
vernor detected  in  his  own  aspirations,  the  designs 
of  Cortes,  and  that  his  orders  to  strip  him  of  the 
command  were  dictated  by  prudence,  though  inju- 
diciously executed. 

It  cannot  be  doubted,  that  from  the  moment  the 
distrust  of  Velasques  was  avowed,  and  Cortes  had 
resolved  to  weidi  anchor  in  despite  of  his  prohibition, 
that  the  latter  had  determined  to  throw  oft"  all  sub- 
ordination on  the  first  favorable  opportunitv.  To 
this  end  he  insinuattnl  himself  iiito  the  favor  of  his 
companions  by  his  aft'ability,  by  well-timed  acts  of 
liberality,  by  inspiring  them  with  vast  hopes,  and 
by  allowing  them  to  trade  privately  with  the  natives, 
a  measure  which  had  been  forbidden  by  Velasques, 
who  had  commanded  tliat  whatever  might  be  ac-' 
quired  by  trade  should  be  thrown  into  the  common 
stock. 

XXVI.  On  the  withdrawal  of  the  supplies  which 
had  hitherto  been  furnished  by  the  natives  and  the 
expression  of  a  resolution  on  the  part  of  Cortes  to 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  59 

proceed  to  the  port,  discovered  bv  Montejn,  the 
adherents  of  Velasques  were  emboldened  to  mur- 
mur and  cabal  against  the  General.  They  deputed 
Diego  de  Ordaz  to  remonstrate  against  a  present 
attempt  at  colonization,  and  the  measures  which 
Cortes  was  pursuing  to  detach  the  army  from  its 
allegiance  to  the  governor  of  Cuba,  and  to  urge  the 
immediate  return  to  that  island,  to  refit  the  fleet 
and  augment  the  number  of  troops.  Ordaz  per- 
formed his  commission  with  soldierly  frankness  and 
assured  his  commander  that  he  spoke  the  senti- 
ments of  the  whole  army.  But  Cortes,  who  \rell 
knew  the  temper  and  wishes  of  his  soldiers,  and 
foresaw  how  they  would  receive  a  proposition  de- 
structive of  all  their  hopes,  listened  to  their  remon- 
strance with  apparent  calmness,  and  carried  his 
dissimulation  so  far,  as  to  seem  to  assent  to  the 
wishes  of  the  discontented;  issuing  orders  that  the 
army  should  prepare  to  embark  on  the  next  day  for 
Cuba.  His  partisans  well  instructed,  tumultuously 
assembled,  and  reproached  him  with  having  de- 
ceived them  by  asserting  that  he  came  with  full 
power  and  design  to  establish  a  colony,  when  it 
would  appear  that  he  was  authorised  only  to  trade. 
They  openly  demanded  that  he  should  fulfil  his 
original  engagement  with  them,  which  w^as  alike 
adapted  to  the  service  of  God  and  his  majesty;  and 
declared  their  determination  not  to  relinquish 
an  enterprise  that  had  hitherto  been  successful;  that 
if  he  preferred  to  return  to  Cuba  they  would  elect 
another  general,  and  under  his  command  prosecute 
to  an  end  their  glorious  undertaking.  Cortes  affected 
surprise  at  these  representations,  averring  that  his 
orders  to  embark  had  been  issued,  solely,  from  the 
representation  that  such  was  the  wish  of  the  whole 
army  and  contrary  to  his  own  inclination;  but, 
that  now  convincedf  of  his  error  and  recognising  the 
generous  spirit  which  should  animate  every  true 


60  HSTORT  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

Spaniard,  he  would  resume  his  original  purpose,  and 
doubted  not  to  lead  them  to  the  summit  of  wealth 
and  glory.  This  declaration  was  answered  with 
shouts  of  joy  which  seemed  unanimous;  the  disaf- 
fected uniting  in  them  that  their  inclinations  might 
not  be  suspected  by  the  General,  and  to  avoid  the 
imputation  of  cowardice  from  their  fellow  soldiers.* 

XXVII.  In  order  to  give  full  scope  to  his  de- 
signs, Cortes  assembled  the  principal  persons  of  his 
army,  and  by  their  suffrage  elected  a  council  and 
magistrates,  and  establislied  a  municipal  govern- 
ment similar  to  the  corporations  of  Spain.  The 
Alcades  were,  Portecarrero  and  Montejo;  the 
latter  being  selected  because  he  had  hitherto 
been  a  partisan  of  Velasques.  The  most  im- 
portant circumstance  of  this  institution  was,  its 
establishment  solely  in  the  king's  name,  without 
reference  to  Velasques.t  The  men  who  thus  threw 
off  all  dependence  upon  their  superior,  naturally 
cast  about  at  the  moment,  for  means  of  defending 
themselves  against  an  accusation  of  sedition;  and 
they  believed,  they  had  found  this,  in  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Governor  to  Cortes,  which  instead  of 
having  for  their  object,  the  extension  of  the  power 
of  the  Spanisli  crown,  looked  solely  to%the  gratifica- 
tion of  private  avarice.  At  the  instance  of  the  army 
these  instructions  were  read  aloud,  and  their  tenor 
was,  '•  As  soon  as  you  have  procured  the  utmost 
quantity  of  gold  that  can  be  had,  return. $ 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  Council,  Cortes,  who 
like  all  otlier  heroes,  save  Coriolanus,  knew,  that 
lowliness  was  young  ambition's  ladder,  applied  for 
leave  to  enter.  Approaching  the  tribunal,  with  de- 
monstrations of  the  most  profound  respect,he  artfully 
observed, that  the  supreme  jurisdiction  over  the  Colo- 
ny now  planted,  was  vested  in  them,  they  representing 
the  sovereign;  and  it  became  his  duty  to  .T-klress  them 

•  B.  Diaz.  Solis.  Robertson,     t  B.  Diaz.  SlIIis.     \  B.  Diaz, 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  61 

with  the  same  frankness  and  fidelity  that  were  due 
to  his  royal  master,  and  to  inform  them  tlvat  the 
security  of  a  colony  settled  in  a  great  empire, whose 
sovereio;n  was  inimical,  depended  upon  arms,  and 
due  subordination  and  discipline  among  the  troops: 
That  his  right  to  command  was  derived  from  the 
Governor  of  Cuba,  and  his  commission  having 
long  since  been  revoked,  the  lawfulness  of  his  juris- 
diction might  be  questioned,  and  that,  therefore  he 
resigned  into  their  hands  his  general's  baton,  that 
they,  whose  right  it  was,  might  confer  it  upon 
whomsoever  they  chose:  That  for  himself,  such 
was  his  zeal  for  the  service  in  which  he  was  en- 
gaged, that,  he  would  cheerfully  seize  the  soldier's 
pike  with  the  same  hand  that  surrendered  the  lead- 
er's truncheon,  and  thus  convince  his  fellow  sol- 
diers that  though  accustomed  to  command,  he  had 
not  forgotten  to  obey.  Then  kissing  his  truncheon, 
he  delivered  it  to  the  magistrates  and  withdrew. 

Having  taken  due  time  to  deliberate  on  the 
weighty  subject  thus  committed  to  them,  the  Coun- 
cil accepted  his  resignation^  but,  as  the  uninterrup- 
ted tenor  of  their  prosperity  under  his  conduct  gave 
assurances  of  his  ability  to  command,  they  by  una- 
nimous suffrage,  not  only  appointed  him  Captain 
General  of  the  army,  but  Chief  Justice  of  the  colony 
also;  directing  his  commission  to  be  made  out  in  the 
king's  name,  with  the  most  ample  powers,  to  be  in 
force  until  the  royal  pleasure  should  be  know^n. 
This  election  was  formally  communicated  to  the 
army,  and  was  ratified  by  acclamation.* 

XXVTII.  This  grave  and  plausible  farce  did  not 
pass  without  reprehension  from  the  adherents  of 
Velasques;  nor  were  their  aftections  conciliated  by 
the  increased  state  which  Cortes  assumed,  now  that 
he  considered  himself  no  longer  the  deputy  of  a 

*  Diaz.  Solis.  Robertson, 


62  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  crf   II. 

deputy,  but,  the  lieutenant  of  the  King;.  Tiiey 
openly  denounced  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  as 
illegal,  and  those  of  the  Armv  as  mutinous.  And 
such  was  the  violence  of  their  invective,  that  Cortes 
deeming  it  necessary  to  repress  it  by  some  rigorous 
measure,  arrested  Urdaz,  Escadero  and  Velasques 
de  Leon,  the  leaders  of  this  faction,  and  sent  them, 
prisoners  in  chains,  on  board  the  fleet-  Their  de- 
pendents, astonished  and  overawed,  remained  sub- 
missive, and  the  General,  more  desirous  to  gain 
over  than  to  punish  the  prisoners,  whose  merit  as 
officers  he  highly  appreciated,  courted  their  friend- 
ship with  such  assiduity  and  address,  that  the  re- 
conciliation was  so  perfectly  cordial,  that,  thej 
never  after  upon  any  occasion  deserted  him.  On 
this  occasion  Cortes  displayed  his  admirable  powers 
for  command,  and  though  it  has  been  said*  that  in 
this  as  in  other  negotiations  he  owed  much  of  his 
success  to  the  Mexican  gold,  we  Mould  remark 
that  mercenary  motives  scarcely  endure  longer  tlian 
tlie  stimulus  is  applied,  and  the  zeal  and  attach- 
ment which  gold  buys  are  rarely  proof  against 
the  seductions  of  resentment,  and  opportunity  for 
revenge.  Cortes  had  a  master  mind,  and  his  was 
the  prerogative  of  strength,  the  right  to  subjugate 
weaker  spirits. 

XXIX.  The  union  between  his  army  and  himself 
was  now  indissoluble.  If,  there  were  any  crimi- 
nality in  his  conduct,  all  the  troops  with  their  offi- 
cers were  accessories,  and  all  felt,  that  their  best 
defence  would  be  the  successful  termination  of  their 
enterprise.  He  now  prepared  to  quit  his  camp  for 
the  more  advantageous  position  that  had  been  se- 
lected, and  from  thence  to  seek  his  way  to  the  in- 
terior of  the  country.  And  in  this  he  was  aided  by 
one  of  iliose  events  whose  causes,  independent  of 

•  Robertson. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  63 

his  power,  were  working  the  accomplishment  of 
his  designs.  Some  Indians  having  approached  his 
camp  in  a  mysterious  manner,  were  introduced  to 
his  presence.  They  were  messengers  sent  by  the 
Cacique  of  Chempoalla,  a  discontented  feudatory 
of  Montezuma,  residing  in  a  town  twenty-four 
miles  distant,  who  beheld  in  the  strangers  the  means 
of  ridding  himself  from  an  intolerable  yoke.  From 
his  conference  with  these  natives  a  new  ray  of  light 
and  hope  broke  on  the  mind  of  Cortes.  He  learned 
that  the  great  empire  with  which  he  was  about  to 
contend,  was  wanting  in  the  first  requisites  of 
strength,  union  among  the  people,  and  respect  for 
the  rulers^  and  it  became  extremely  probable  that 
he  might  unite  under  his  standai'd,  a  force,  which 
directed  by  his  skill,  might  prove  competent  to  its 
destruction.  The  Chempoallese  received  a  most 
gracious  reception  and  were  dismissed  with  assu- 
rances of  aid  and  protection,  and  a  promise  that 
he  would  visit  their  chief  on  the  following  day, 

XXX.  The  road  to  Chiahuitzla,  the  spot,  to 
which  he  designed  to  remove,  led  by  Chempoalla. 
When  he  had  arrived  within  three  miles  of  the 
latter  town,  twenty  of  its  most  respectable  inhabi- 
tants came  fortli  to  meet  him  with  an  offering  of 
fruits  and  flowers,  and  an  apology  from  their  cliief, 
stating  that  his  obesity  rendered  it  inconvenient 
to  meet  his  visitors  on  the  road.  When  the  Span- 
ish army  entered  the  town  they  were  much  gratified 
with  its  size  and  the  commodiousness  of  the  build- 
ings, and  the  soldiers  compared  it  to  Seville.*  From 
the  Cacique,  who  poured  forth  his  complaints  with 
tears,  Cortes  learned,  that  Montezuma  was  a 
haughty,  cruel  and  suspicious  tyrant,  who  treated 

•  The  whole  Spanish  army  was  lodged  in  buildings  within 
the  enclosure  of  the  temple  here,  built  either  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  sti-angers,  or  for  the  raiuisters  of  religion.  Clavigero, 
book  viii. 


64  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH^II, 

his  own  subjects  with  arrogance,  ruined  the  con- 
quered countries  by  his  exactions,  and  tore  from 
tlie  arms  ot"  parents  their  sons  and  daughters,  the 
former  for  sacrifice  and  the  latter  as  concubines  for 
himself  and  fiivorites.  Cortes  repeated  his  assu- 
rances of  service,  declaring  that  one  of  the  great 
objects  of  tlie  Spaniards  in  visiting  this  remote 
country  was  to  redress  grievances  and  to  relieve 
the  oppressed,  and  having  encouraged  him  to  ex- 
pect his  interposition  in  due  time,  he  resumed  his 
march  for  Chiahuitzla. 

XXXI.  This  spot  appeared  to  Cortes  to  have 
been  judiciously  chosen,  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
Indians  who  volunteered  their  services  and  who 
had  to  the  number  of  four  hundred,  carried  the 
baggage  of  the  army  from  Chempoalla,  the  new 
town  soon  arose,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  suffi- 
cient fortification  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from 
any  dangers  they  miglit  apprehend  from  the  na- 
tives. The  General  urged  forward  this  work  by 
precept  and  example,  labouring  with  the  same  as- 
siduity as  the  meanest  of  the  people.  The  town 
was  founded  in  a  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain 
of  Chiahuitzla,  twelve  miles  from  Chempoalla  to 
the  North  and  adjoining  to  the  harbor.  It  received 
the  name  of  Villa  Rica  dela  Vera  Cruz.* 

XXXII.  AVhilst  thus  engaged  Cortes  had  re- 
peated interviews,  with  the  chiefs  of  Chempoalla 
and  Chiahuitzla,  and  inspired  them  wilh  such  con- 

*  !Most  historians  have  supposed  that  tliere  were  in  tlie  vici- 
nity two  towns  only,  which  bore  tlie  name  of  Vera  Cruz;  tliat 
of  which  we  have  above  spoken,  and  tlie  new  Vera  Cruz,  built 
on  the  sand  where  Cortes  disembarked.  But  there  have  been 
three  places  with  tliis  name,  viz.  the  one  built  in  1519,  which 
was  afterwards  crilled  simply  \illa  Rica,  the  second  or  ancient 
Vera  Cruz,  settled  in  1523,  and  the  tliird,  the  new  "Sera  Cruz, 
vhich  still  presei-ves  tlie  name,  founded  by  the  Count  of  Mon- 
terus,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  towards  the  end  of  the  IGth  century, 
luidhad  from  Philip  111.  the  title  of  citj-  given  it  in  1615. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  65 

fidence,  that  they  resolved  to  resist  the  Mexican 
power.  But  whilst  deliberating  on  the  means  of 
releasing  themselves  from  this  burdensome  yoke, 
there  arrived  five  Mexican  nobles,  receivers  of  the 
roval  tributes,  who  expressing  the  utmost  indigna- 
tion against  the  Totonacas  (Chempoallese,)  for  da- 
ring to  receive  these  strangers  without  the  royal 
consent,  demanded  twenty  human  victims  to  be 
sacrificed  to  the  gods  in  expiation  of  the  crime. 
The  people,  and  particularly  the  two  chiefs,  who 
considered  themselves  most  guilty,  were  greatly 
disturbed  at  this  demand.  Cortes  instantly 
suggested,  and  finally  after  much  hesitation  pre- 
vailed upon  them, to  arrest  the  receivers  and  throw 
them  into  prison;  thereby  steeping  the  rebels  so 
deeply  in  guilt  that  pardon  became  hopeless.  Ha- 
ving taken  this  step,  their  superstition,  similar  to 
that  of  the  Mexicans,  and  their  vengeance  induced, 
them  to  ofler  their  prisoners  to  the  gods.  But  Cor- 
tes,politically  designing  to  gain  friends  on  either 
hand  by  the  same  means,  expressed  great  horror  at 
this  intention,  and  sending  secretly  for  two  of  the 
prisoners,  assured  them  of  his  great  displeasure 
at  the  conduct  of  the  Totonacas,  and  set  them 
at  liberty  with  promises  that  their  companions 
should  soon  rejoin  them.  On  the  next  day  he  re- 
primanded with  great  severity  the  negligent  watch 
of  the  guards,  and  causing  the  other  prisoners  to 
be  sent  on  board  the  fleet  for  greater  safety,  he  li- 
berated them  also,  soon  after.  The  redeemed  cap- 
tives were  profuse  in  their  gratitude  for  these  ser- 
vices, and  earnestly  recommended  to  Cortes  not  to 
trust  the  faithless  Totonacas. 

Fear  of  the  resentment  of  the  great  Montezuma 
still  weighed  on  the  spirits  of  the  Indian  chiefs: 
and  as  the  monarch  must  now  be  early  apprised  of 
the  treatment  of  his  officers  every  tiling  was  to  be 
dreaded  from  his  resentment.     But,   their  confi- 


66  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   II. 

dence  in  the  protection  of  their  highly  endowed 
guests  grew  with  the  knowledge  of  their  extra- 
ordinary qualities,  and  they  resolved  to  dare  the 
utmost  extremity  of  the  tyrant's  vengeance  under 
such  leaders.  The  cries  of  liberty  aroused  other 
chieftains  of  the  tribe,  all  of  whom  readily  placed 
themselves  and  their  forces  under  Cortes,  and, 
acknowledged  themselves  subjects  of  the  king  of 
Castile.* 

XXXIII.  As  subjects  of  the  same  monarch  the 
Chempoallese  chief  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  ser- 
vices of  the  Spaniards  against  his  personal  enemies; 
and  to  this  end  complained  of  outrages  which 
he  alleged  were  committed  by  a  garrison  of  Mexi- 
can troops  stationed  in  a  town  about  nine  leagues 
distant:  and  MJiich  Cortes  promised  to  punish. 
When  the  troops  were  ordered  on  the  service, 
seven  soldiers  of  the  party  of  Velasques  refused  to 
inarch,  and  insisted  on  permission  to  return  to  their 
plantations  in  Cuba.  This  Cortes  did  not  think 
proper  directly  to  refuse,  and  having  been  severely 
reprimanded  for  pusillanimity  and  insubordination 
they  embarkeJ;  but  when  the  vessel  was  about  to 
sail,  the  remainder  of  the  troops  headed  by  the 
Alcade  and  other  civil  officers  waited  on  the  Gene- 
ral, most  probably  by  his  connivance,  with  a  re- 
quest that  he  would  permit  no  person  whatever  to 
quit  his  colours;  a  crime  for  which  death  was  the 
just  and  appropriate  punishment.  He  appeared 
long  unwilling  to  retract  his  assent,  but  at  length 
as  if  influenced  merely  by  the  wishes  of  tlie  army, 
he  directed  that  the  malcontents  should  be  broudit 
back  and  made  to  resume  their  station  in  the  ranks; 
removing  from  himself  the  odium  of  refusal,  and 
retaining  the  services  and  aftections  of  the  disap- 
pointed warriors.     He  now  set  forth  upon  his  pro- 

*  Soils.  Diaz.  Clavigcro. 


CH.   11.  MEXICO.  67 

posed  expedition,  with  four  hundred  soldiers,  who 
were  joined  at  ChempouUa  by  a  thousand  Indian 
allies.  AVhen  he  approached  the  town,  toward 
which  he  marched,  many  of  its  chief  inhabitants 
came  forth,  and  besought  him  not  to  destroy  those 
who  had  in  no  way  oliended  him,  upon  the  false  and 
malevolent  representation  of  their  enemies  the 
Chempoallese,  who  sought  to  pervert  the  justice  of 
the  Spaniards  to  the  gratification  of  their  own  ven- 
geance. They  admitted  that  a  Mexican  garrison 
had  been  in  their  town,  but  it  had  retired  on 
the  arrest  of  the  officers  of  Montezuma.  Finding 
this  remonstrance  based  on  truth,  Cortes,  forbade 
the  advance  of  the  allies  who  were  already  plun- 
dering the  suburbs,  and  reprehended  them  for  their 
falsehood,  commanded  them  to  restore  their  priso- 
ners and  spoil,  and  instantly  to  retrace  their  steps. 
This  instance  of  moderation  and  equity  did  him 
more  service  than  a  victory.  The  chiefs,  priests 
and  people  of  the  neighbourhood,  listened  with, 
greedy  ears  to  the  religious  doctrine  of  men,  who 
were  thus  disposed  to  obey  the  dictates  of  justice, 
and  they  readily  embraced  the  new  faith  and  prof- 
fered alliance  of  the  Spaniards.  Another  act  of  jus- 
tice and  rigid  discipline  on  the  part  of  Cortes  tended 
strongly  to  confirm  this  favorable  disposition.  Upon 
his  return  march,  one  of  the  soldiers  pillaged  a 
dwelling  of  some  food,  upon  which  Cortes  ordered 
him  to  be  instantly  hanged,  but  his  life  was  saved 
by  Alvarado  who  cut  the  rope  before  strangula- 
tion. 

XXXIV.  In  the  meantime,  the  officers  whom 
Cortes  had  set  at  liberty  arrived  at  Mexico,  and 
their  report  of  tlie  conduct  and  praises  of  the  Span- 
ish General,  mollified  the  indignation  of  Montezu- 
ma who  was  preparing  an  army  to  chastise  the  in- 
solence and  temerity  of  the  strangers  and  to  drive 
them  from  his  dominions.     Changing  his  purpose, 


68  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

instead  of  a  military  force  he  despatched  two  of 
his  nephews  to  ChenipouUa,  at  tlie  head  of  a  reti- 
nue of  nobles,  charged  with  a  present  of  wrought 
gold,  and  the  thanks  of  their  master  to  Cortes; 
with  instructions  also  to  complain,  of  the  encou- 
ragement which  that  commander  had  given  to  his 
rebellious  subjects.  The  embassadors  added,  that, 
it  was  only  from  respect  to  such  quests  that  an 
army  had  not  now  been  sent  to  punish  the  rebels, 
whose  chastisement,  though  procrastinated,  would 
eventually  be  inflicted.*  Cortes  replied  to  this 
message  in  the  most  respectful  manner,  ascribing 
his  alliance  with  the  Totonacas  to  the  desertion  of 
the  Mexican  officers  and  his  consequent  privation 
of  necessary  provisions;  but  he  openly  defended  their 
refusal  to  pay  further  tribute;  alleging,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  a  nation  to  obey  two  masters,  and 
that  the  Totonacas  were  now,  the  subjects  of  the 
Kings  of  Spain.  He  exhibited  to  the  wondering 
and  delighted  princes  the  military  exercises  of  his 
army,  made  them  some  trifling  presents  and  dis- 
missed them  o;reatly  gratified  Mith  their  reception. 
XXXV.  This  unexpected  renewal  of  amical 
intercourse  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Mexi- 
cans justly  filled  the  Totonacas  with  alarm,  and 
the  more  eftectually  to  strengthen  his  alliance  with 
the  former,  the  Cacique  of  Chempoalla  oftered  to 
Cortes  eight  virgins  of  his  principal  families,  rich- 
ly dressed,  among  whom  was  one  of  his  own  nei- 
ces,  that  they  might  marry  with  the  Spanish  offi- 
cers. Cortes  wb.o  had  frequently  conversed  with 
the  Cacique  upon  the  subject  of  religion  availed 
himself  of  the  present  occasion  to  impress  the  sub- 
ject more  forcibly  upon  his  attention.  He  declared 
that  he  could  not  accept  these  damsels  for  the  pur- 
pose for  which  they  were  given,  unless   they  first 

*■  Clavig;ero. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  69 

renounced  idolatry  and  embraced  the  christian 
faith.  He  laboured  to  explain  anew  the  principles 
of  his  religion,  and  to  expose  in  the  strongest  light 
the  false  worship  and  particularly  the  horrid  sacri- 
fices of  the  natives.  The  Chempoallese  very  na- 
turally replied,  that,  however  highly  he  might  value 
the  friendship  of  his  guests,  he  could  not  sacrifice 
to  that,  the  piety  due  to  his  gods,  nor  abjure  the 
worship  of  those  deities  from  whose  beneficence  his 
nation  received  the  blessings  of  health  and  plenty, 
and  from  whose  vengeance  for  deserted  altars  the 
severest  punishments  must  flow.  The  apostolic 
zeal  of  the  General  waxed  higher  at  this  answer, 
and  he  exclaimed  with  a  fervor  which  would  not 
have  disgraced  the  most  devoted  crusader,  nor  even 
Caled  the  Ottomite,  the  sword  of  god,  *'  Come  on 
soldiers;  for  what  do  we  wait.^  Shall  we  suffer 
men  who  claim  to  be  our  friends  to  render  that  ho- 
mage to  stocks  and  stones,  which  is  due  only  to 
the  living  God?  Forward,  soldiers  of  the  Cross! 
Now  is  the  the  time  to  show  ourselves  Spaniards, 
who  have  inherited  their  ancestor-s  zeal  for  our  holy 
faith.  Down  with  the  idols  and  remove  from  the 
heathen,  these  incentives  to  superstition.  We 
shall  thus  render  to  our  God  the  greatest  service  in 
our  power,  and  if  we  perish  in  the  attempt,  he  will 
recompense  us  with  eternal  glory.*' 

The  Chempoallese  chief,  who  gathered  Cortes' 
design  from  his  features  and  gesture,  commanded 
his  subjects  to  protect  their  idols;  but  perceiving 
that  the  Spanish  soldiers,  not  less  zealous  than  their 
commander,  had  gained  the  steps  of  the  temple,  he 
endeavoured  to  dissuade  them  from  their  purpose 
by  threats  of  the  vengeance  of  his  gods;  but,  Cor- 
tes mocked  at  his  vain  denunciations,  and,  assured 
him,  if  the  Indians  did  not  themselves  resolve  to 
take  away  these  detestable  images,  the  Spaniards 
would  destroy  them    and  would   thenceforth  -C' 


70  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  Clt.  II. 

nounce  the  friendship  of  idolaters,  and  in  case  of 
resistance,  would  sweep  them  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  To  this  threat,  Marina  added  another  not 
less  efficacious,  that  the  strangers  would  unite  with 
the  Mexicans  and  aid  them  to  re-establish  their 
former  dominion. 

The  Cacique  overwhelmed  by  these  denuncia- 
tions, permitted  the  Spaniards  to  do  as  they  thought 
proper,  whilst  himself,  his  priests  and  his  people, 
hid  their  streaming  eyes  that  they  might  not  wit- 
ness the  profanation,  and  secretly  prayed  that  they 
might  not  be  visited  with  punishment  for  the  te- 
merity of  the  stranger.  A  few  brave  and  pious 
men,  however,  prepared  to  avenge  the  violated 
shrines;  from  which  they  were  deterred,  only,  by 
the  seizure  of  the  Cacique  and  chief  priests,  on  the 
part  of  the  Spaniards,  who  threatened  them  with 
death  in  case  of  violence.  The  idols  were  cast 
from  the  temples  and  the  astounded  priests  were 
compelled  to  collect  and  burn  the  fragments.  The 
temples  were  purified,  the  altars  cleansed,  and  the 
comely  image  of  Mary  the  mother  of  God,  filled 
the  fane,  which  monstrous  forms  had  lately  dishon- 
oured. The  care  of  the  sanctuary  was  committed 
to  four  Chempoallese  priests,  whose  gory  locks  were 
shorn  and  whose  black  garments,  emblematical  of 
their  former  lugubrious  office,  were  exchanged  for 
shining  white;  and  that  this  temple  might  never 
again  be  abused,  an  old  and  useless  soldier  was 
established  therein,  in  the  character  of  a  holy  her- 
mit. The  eight  virgins,  too,  having  been  previously 
qualified  by  appropriate  instruction  and  the  sacra- 
ment of  baptism,  were  distributed,  for  the  solace  of 
the  principal  Spanish  officers.* 

XXXVI.    Upon  the  return  of  Cortes  to  Villa 
Kica  he  found  a  vessel  in  the  haibour  from  Cuba, 

*  Bemal  Diaz.  Soils.  Clavigcro. 


CH.   II.  MEXICO.  71 

having  on  board  an  able  officer  with  ten  men  and 
two  horses,  whom  he  added  to  his  army.  The 
news  which  this  vessel  brought  of  the  favor  Velas- 
ques  enjoyed  at  court,  and  of  his  having  received 
the  commission  of  Adelantado  of  Cuba,  gave 
new  spirits  to  the  Governor's  faction  in  the  army, 
and  much  disquietude  to  the  General.*  He  had 
now  been  three  months  in  New  Spain,  in  which 
every  moment  had  been  actively  employed  in  lay- 
ing the  foundation  of  his  future  success.  But  his 
position  was  doubtful  and  precarious.  His  com- 
mission so  irregularly  obtained,  might  be  wrested 
from  him  by  his  powerful  enemy,  and  himself  be 
subjected  to  severe  punishment.  Yet  he  did  not 
despond,  but,  hastened,  before  setting  out  for  Mex- 
ico, to  lay  before  the  king  the  most  favorable  views 
of  his  conduct  and  success  and  to  interpose  the 
acts  of  the  colony  as  a  shield  between  himself  and 
the  impending  danger.  In  their  memorial  to  the 
king  the  magistrates  endeavoured  to  detract  from 
the  merit  of  Velasques  in  fitting  out  the  former 
armaments  under  Cordova  and  Grijalva;  affirming 
that  they  had  been  equipped  by  the  adventurers 
engaged  in  the  expedition,  and  not  by  the  Governor, 
They  concluded  that  the  sole  object  of  Velasques 
was  to  trade  with  the  natives,  not  to  attempt  the 
conquest  or  colonization  of  the  country;  they  as- 
serted the  present  armament  had  been  fitted  out 
at  the  expense  of  Cortes  and  the  officers  under  him; 
and  they  therefore  humbly  requested  their  sove- 
reign to  ratify  what  tliey  had  done  in  his  name,  and 
to  confirm  Cortes  in  the  supreme  command  by  his 
royal  commission.  That  Charles  might  be  induced 
more  readily  to  grant  what,  they  demanded,  they 
gave  him  a  pompous  description  of  the  country, 
its  wealth  and  population,  civilization  and  arts, 

•  Bemal  Diaz.  Sulis.  Cla\-igero. 


73  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.   II. 

narrated  the  progress  thej  had  already  made  in  an- 
nexing a  part  of  the  sea  coast  to  the  crown  of  Cas- 
j  tile,  and  detailed  the  plans  they  had  formed  for  re- 

I  ducing  the  whole  to   subjection.     Cortes  hhnself 

'  wrote  in  a  similar  strain 5  and  as  he  knew  that  tlie 

Spanish  Court,  accustomed  to  the  exaggerated  de- 
scription of  every  new  country  by  its  discoverers, 
would  give  very  little  credit  to  their  splendid  ac- 
counts of  New  Spain,  if  unaccompanied  by  satis- 
factory testimonials  of  its  opulence,  he  solicited  his 
soldiers  to  relinquish  their  share  of  the  treasure 
which  had  been  already  collected,  in  order  that  the 
whole  might  be  sent  to  the  King.  Such  was  the 
ascendant  he  had  over  their  minds,  and  such  their 
romantic  expectation  of  future  wealth,  that  an  army 
of  indigent  and  rapacious  adventurers,  offered  to 
their  sovereign  the  richest  present  that  had  hitherto 
been  transmitted  from  the  New  World.  Porteca- 
rero  and  Montejo,  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  co- 
lony, were  appointed  to  carry  this  present  to  Cas- 
tile, with  express  orders  not  to  touch  at  Cuba,  in 
their  passage  thither.* 

XXXVII.  Within  four  days  after  the  departure 
of  their  agents,  the  colony  was  much  agitated  by  an 
unexpected  event.  Some  soldiers  and  sailors,  se- 
cretly attached  to  Velasques,  or  intimidated  at  the 
prospect  of  the  danger  attendant  on  their  enterprise, 
conspired  to  seize  a  brigantine  and  make  their  escape 
to  Cuba,  in  order  to  give  the  Governor  such  intel- 
ligence as  might  enable  him  to  intercept  the  ship 
bearing  the  treasure  and  despatches  to  Spain.  Al- 
though the  persons  ostensibly  engaged  in  this  con- 
spiracy were  of  low  rank,  they  were  encouraged  by 
others  of  greater  consideration;  but  when  ready  for 
execution,  the  plot  was  betrayed  by  one  of  the  as- 
sociates.t  The  confederates  were  seized,  and  having 

•  Soils.  B.  Diaz.  Robt.  Clavigero.  t  B.  Diaz.  Robt 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  73 

confessed  their  guilt,  were  rigorously  punished,  the 
most  criminal  being  hanged. 

XXXVIII.   This  event  filled  the  mind  of  Cortes 
with  disquietude.     Ke  perceived  that  disaftection 
lurked  among  his  troops,  that,  some  of  his  men, 
weary  of  the  service,  longed  to  revisit  their  quiet 
plantations  in  Cuba,  and  he  apprehended  that  on 
the  appearance  of  extraordinary  danger,  or  any  re- 
verse of  fortune,  it  vvould  be  impossible  to  prevent 
them  from  returning  thither.    His  force  already  too 
feeble,  could  bear  no  diminution;  and  a  small  de- 
fection of  his  followers  might  compel  him  to  r.ban- 
don  the  expedition.  Reflection  on  these  par'd':ular3 
induced  him  to  believe,  that,  his  greatest  chp.nce  of 
success  existed,  in  depriving  his  army  of  the  means 
of  retreat,  and  reducing  the  men  to  the  necessity  of 
adopting  the  resolution,  to  conquer  or  perish.    The 
means  of  eftecting  this  he  probably  adopted  from 
the  example  of  Badajos,  who  when  despatched  by 
Pedrarias  across  the  Isthmus  to   the    South    Sea, 
finding  his  troops  discouraged  from  proceeding  by 
the  whitening  bones  of  the  followers  of  Nicuessa, 
which  strewed  the  shore,  produced  a  state  of  despe- 
rate courage  by  sending  away  the  vessel  which  had 
brought  them.*  Cortes  resolved  to  destroy  his  fleet; 
but  he  dared  not  execute  such  a  resolution  by  his 
own  authority,  and  was  compelled   to  induce  the 
army  to  assent  to  the  measure.     His  address  in  ac- 
complishing that  purpose  was  equal  to  the  occasion. 
He  persuaded  some,  that  the  ships  had  suffered  so 
much  as  to  be  unfit  for  service;  to  others  he  re- 
marked the  seasonable  reinforcement  of  strength 
that  might  be  derived  from  the  hundred  sailors, now 
unprofitably  employed;  and  to  all  he  represented 
the  necessity  of  fixing  their  regards  solely  upon 
their  enterprise,  firmly  rejecting  every  thought  of 

•  See  Vol.  2.  p.  100. 


74  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  II. 

retreat  'With  universal  consent,  the  ships  were 
therefore  stripped  of  tlieir  sails,  ringing:,  iron  works 
and  whatever  else  inir^ht  be  of  use,  and  sunk  in  the 
harbour.  The  resolution  of  the  General  is  not  so 
much  to  be  admired  on  this  occasion,  as  his  address 
in  procuring  it  not  cnly  to  be  adopted  by  his  armv, 
but  in  givinc;  it  the  appearance  of  an  original  projwsi- 
tion  of  the  soldiers:  For  the  least  gage  which  a  no- 
bly ambitious  man  sets  on  the  cast  of  fortune,  is  his 
life,  whilst  the  vulgar  deem  the  permission  to 
breathe  worth  all  otlier  gifts  of  fate.  But,  that 
magnanimity  was  truly  astonishing  and  almost  un- 
paralleled, which  induced  five  hunilred  men  volun- 
tarily to  slmt  themselves  up  in  a  hostile  country, 
filled  with  powerful  and  unknown  nations;  and 
having  precluded  every  means  of  escape,  left  them 
without  any  resource  but  their  own  valor  and 
perseverance.*  The  valiant  old  soldier,  l^ernal 
Diaz,  says  that  in  reply  to  an  address  of  Cortes  on 
this  occasion,  **  AVe  one  and  all  exclaimed  that  we 
were  prepared  to  obey  him,  that  the  lot  was  now 
cast,  let  l^ortune  take  what  turn  she  would,  as  Casar 
said  in  passing  the  Rubicon,  for  that  all  our  services 
were  devoted  to  God  and  his  majesty.**! 

XXXIX.  The  army  had  removed  to  Chempoalla, 
preparatory  to  setting  out  for  Mexico:  but  wheii 
about  to  march  for  the  latter,  a  courier  arrived  from 
Escalante,  with  intelligence  that  a  strange  vessel 
was  at  anchor  in  a  river  tiirec  leagues  distant  from 
Villa  Rica,  and  that  he  could  obtain  no  answer  to 
his  signals  from  tliose  on  board.  Cortes  committing 
the  command  of  the  army  to  Alvarado  and  Sando- 
val, hastened  immediately  to  the  new  city:  and 
thence,  declining  tlie  otler  of  its  Governor  to  at- 
tempt to  board  the  vessel,  whilst  he  took  some  re- 
pose, using  a  homely  but   expressive  Spanish   pro- 

•  Diaz.  Solis.  Kobt  Clavigcro.  Ucrrcra.         t  p-  S6. 


CH.  II.  MEXICO.  75 

verb,*  he  proceeded,  even  without  taking  food, 
along  the  coast.  On  his  way  he  fell  in  with  four 
Spaniards  who  had  been  sent  on  shore  by  the  cap- 
tain of  the  vessel,  Alonzo  Alvares  de  Pineda,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  possession  of  the  country. 
One  of  these,  was  a  notary  and  the  others  attended 
^him  as  witnesses.  From  them  Cortes  learned,  that 
Francis  de  Garay,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  had  ob- 
tained a  commission  of  Adelantado,  and  Governor 
of  such  counti'ies  as  he  should  discover  on  that 
coast,  northward  of  the  river  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul;  by  virtue  of  which  he  had  sent  three  ships, 
and  two  hundred  and  seventy  soldiers,  under  the 
captain  above  named,  who  was  then  in  the  river 
Panuco.  Cortes  treated  these  men  with  much 
kindness,  and  succeeded  in  attaching  them  to  his 
interest,  and  seducing  them  to  assist  him  to  gain  the 
vessel.  But  the  officers  could  not  be  tempted  to 
approach  the  land,  the  captain,  being  aware  that 
Cortes  was  on  the  coast,  and  suspecting  when  his 
boat  did  not  come  oflf,  that  his  men  had  been  dis- 
covered. Cortes  resorted  to  stratagem,  leaving 
four  of  his  soldiers  dressed  in  the  clothes  of  the 
boat's  crew,  whilst  he  ostentatiously  with  the  re- 
mainder retraced  his  steps  along  the  shore,  but  re- 
turning at  midnight  to  the  position  he  had  left. 
Early  in  the  morning  the  disguised  soldiers  went 
down  to  the  shore,  and  at  their  signal  a  boat  put 
off  from  the  vessel  with  six  men,  two  of  whom 
landed  with  casks  for  water.  The  soldiers  in  or- 
der to  prevent  discovery  as  long  as  possible,  stooped 
under  pretence  of  washing  their  faces;  but  one  of 
them  incautiously  answering  the  hail  from  the  boat, 
his  strange  voice  gave  alarm,  and  it  returned  to 
the  ship.  Cortes  succeeded  however  in  obtaining 
six  recruits,  at  the  expense  of  sixty  hours  priva- 

•  Anglic.  "  The  lame  goat  takes  no  afternoon's  nap." 


76  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  ClT.  II. 

tion  of  food  and  rest,  but  he  also  relieved  him- 
self from  the  apprehension  that  the  vessel  con- 
tained emissaries  of  Velasques,  Of  the  rival 
pretensions  of  De  Garay,  he  was  wholly  regard- 
less. 


CH.   HI.  MEXICO.  77 


CHAPTER  III. 

I  Cortes  departs  from  ChempoaUa""\l.  Passes 
through  Xocotla — Interview  icith  Olintetl,  its 
Governor — III.  Sends  embassadors  to  Tlascala, 
visits  Jxtacmaxtitlan- -"lY.  deception  of  the 
einbassadors — Y.  Debate  of  the  Tlascalan  Se- 
7iate""\l.  Perfidious  resolution  of  the  Senate — 
Combats  icith  the  Tlascalan  forces — YII.  Trea- 
ty of  peace  with  Tlascala — VIII.  Beception  of 
the  Spaniards  in  Tlascala- •  "IX.  Transactions 
at  Tlascala-' "X.  The  army  prepares  to  proceed 
to  Chohda""X\.  New  embassy  from  JMontezu- 
7na""XII.  Arrival  of  the  Spaniards  at  Cholula 
• — perfidy  and  slaughter  of  the  Inhabitants-"' 
XIII.  Hypocrloy  of  Montezuma-- "XYV.  TTie 
Mexican  troops  combat  with  Escahnte — His 
Death- --'W.  Cortes  resumes  his  march  for 
Mexico — ^^voids  an  ambuscade  in  the  moun- 
tains----XW.  The  Spaniards  obtain  their  first 
view  of  the  Vale  of  Mexico — XVII.  Conster- 
nation of  Montezuma- "'X\l\l.  Cortes  visits 
the  towns  of  Amaquemecan.  Tlalmcmalco,  4'C.  •••• 
XIX.  Beceives  the  King  of  Tezcuco  at  Ajotzin- 
C0"'-XX.  Description  of  Cuitlahuac----XXl. 
Cortes  visits  Tezcuco- ---XXW.  Description  of 
Iztapalapan--  -  •  XXIII.  Continuance  of  the  march 
to  Mexico  over  the  lake-- --XXW.  Interview  be- 
tween Cortes  and  Montezuma- ---XX\.  Cortes 
enters  Mexico — Description  of  his  quarters. 

I.  Cortes  began  his  march  from  Chempoalla,  on 
the  I6th  of  August,  with  four  hundred  and  fifteen 
Spanish  infantry,  sixteen  horses  and  six  field  pieces. 
The  rest  of  the  troops,  consisting  chiefly  of  such  as 
from  age  or  infirmity  were  least  fit  for  active  ser- 
8* 


78  HISTORY  OF  A3IERICA.  CH.  <ll. 

vice,  he  left  to  garrison  Villa  Rica,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Escalante,  an  officer  of  merit,  warmly 
attached  to  his  interest  The  Cacique  of  Chem- 
poalla  supplied  him  with  provisions  and  tv.o  hun- 
dred Tlamama^  or  porters,  who  greatly  relieved  the 
soldiers  in  transporting  the  bag2:ao;e  and  artillerv. 
The  friendly  Caciques  offered  him  a  considerable 
body  of  warriors;  but  he  contented  himself  with 
four  hundred,  taking  care  to  include  among  them, 
persons  of  note,  as  hostages  for  the  good  faith  of 
their  nation.  By  the  advice  of  the  Totonacas,  he 
directed  his  course  for  Tiascala;  whose  enmity  to 
the  Mexicans,  and  alliance  with  the  Chempoallese, 
rendered  a  favorable  reception  of  the  Spaniards 
highly  probable. 

II.  Passing  through  Xalapa  and  Texotla,  and 
crossing  with  much  fatigue  some  desart  mountains, 
whose  severe  and  chilling  temperature  was  probably 
unexpected  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  the  army  arrived 
at  Xocotla,  a  town  containing  some  beautiVul  build- 
ings, among  which,  rose  no  less  than  thirteen  tem- 
ples. The  palace  of  the  Governor  was  built  of 
stone  cemented  with  lime,  comprising  several 
larjre  halls  and  many  chambers,  being  the  most 
finished  specimen  of  architecture  the  Spaniards  had 
seen  in  the  New  'World.  Montezuma,  possessed 
in  this  city  and  its  neiglibouring  hamlets,  twentv 
thousand  vassals,  whose  allegiance  was  assured  bV 
a  Mexican  garrison  five  thousand  strong.  The 
Governor  OUntetl  came  forth  to  meet  the  advancins; 
army,  but  the  reception  he  gave  it  was  cold  and 
repulsive,  and  the  scanty  food  and  wretched  lodg- 
ing supplied  to  his  unbidden  guests  betrayed  tlTe 
unwelcomeness  of  their  visit.  Cortes  prudently 
repressed  every  svmptom  of  dissatisfaction  in  him- 
self and  his  soldiers.     But  as  their  qualities  be- 

•  Kot  Tamemt,  as  Robertson  writes  after  SoK«. 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  79 

came  better  known  to  their  host,  his  respect  for 
them  increased,  and  his  attentions  became  more 
liberal.  The  interviews  with  this  Cacique  tended 
greatly  to  inflame  the  animating  passions  of  the 
Spaniards,  the  desire  of  wealth  and  the  love  of 
glory.  '*  Are  you,*'  said  the  Spaniard  to  the  In- 
dian, hoping  to  hear  from  him  the  like  complaints, 
as  from  others,  "Are  you,  a  subject  of  Montezu- 
ma?" "Am  I  the  subject  of  Montezuma?*'  echoed 
the  chief,  with  an  air  of  real  or  well  feigned  sur- 
prise. "In  what  part  of  the  eartii  is  there  a  man 
that  is  not  the  vassal  and  the  slave  of  that  great 
monarch?"  Cortes  replied,  that,  it  was  certain 
he  knew  little  of  the  world,  since,  himself  and  his 
companions  were  the  vassals  of  another  king,  so 
powerful  that  he  had  many  subjects,  who  were, 
greater  princes  than  Montezuma.  Unrestrained 
by  this  remark,  the  Cacique  launched  forth  in  the 
most  rapturous  pnnscs  of  his  master*s  greatness. 
He  dwelt  upon  tiie  extent  of  the  country  over 
which  he  ruled,  the  splendor  of  his  capital  city, 
impregnably  situated  in  an  extensive  lake — the 
vastness  of  his  wealth,  and  the  power  of  his  armies 
— and  above  all,  on  the  wretchedness  of  those  who 
ventured  to  resist  or  disobey  him,  of  whom  not  less 
than  twenty  thousand  annually  poured  forth  their 
lives  before  the  altars  of  his  gods.  Cortes  was  not 
unconcerned  at  this  exposition  of  the  power  of  the 
Mexican  sovereign,  but  he  spiritedly  replied,  "that 
he  was  already  sufficiently  informed  of  the  great- 
ness of  ^Montezuma — that  his  embassy  to  that  prince 
was  of  a  pacific  nature,  and  that  the  warriors  who 
accompanied  him  were  more  the  attendants  of  his 
state,  than  the  agents  of  conquest:  But  though  he 
desired  peace  he  was  fully  prepared  for  war,  and 
the  meanest  of  his  soldiers  was  equal  to  a  host  of 
the  Mexican  king:  That  he  never  drew  the  sword 
^vithout  just  provocation,  but  when  once  drawn  he 


80  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  <II. 

would  wield  it  amid  blood  and  fire,  whilst  an  ene- 
my presumed  to  resist  him:  That  nature  waited 
upon  him  with  her  prodigies,  and  even  heaven  lent 
hmi  its  lightning,  since  in  its  holy  cause  he  sought 
to  extirpate  the  vices  of  the  Indians  and  the  errors  of 
their  religion,  even  those  very  sacrifices  of  human 
victims,  which  were  boasted  as  the  greatness  of  his 
kin^."  Then  turning  to  his  troops,  who  witnessed 
the  interview.  *' So!"  he  cried,  "Comrades,  is  not 
this  what  we  seekj  great  difficulties  and  great  rich- 
es? The  one  gives  us  fame  and  the  other  fortune."* 
Olintetl,  though  solicited,  refused  to  give  the  Span- 
iards any  gold,  without  the  express  orders  of  his 
prince;  but  this  unquenchable  thirst,  was  in  a  small 
measure,  momentarily  allayed,  by  some  valuable 
presents  from  other  chiefs  who  visited  their  camp. 
Olintetl  earnestly  endeavoured  to  persuade  Cortes 
to  take  the  route  by  Cholula  to  Mexico  instead  of 
proceeding  by  Tlascala.  Had  he  adopted  this  ad- 
vice he  would  have  fallen  into  an  ambush  which 
might  have  proved  fatal  to  his  expedition. t 

III.  Cortes  had  been  fully  instructed  in  the  war- 
like and  independent  character  of  the  Tlascalans, 
and  deemed  it  prudent,  to  avoid  any  misunder- 
standing with  them,  by  respectfully  requesting  per- 
mission to  pass  through  their  territories.  For  this 
purpose,  he  despatched  an  embassy  of  four  Cliem- 
poallans,  and  following  his  embassadors,  proceeded 
with  his  army  to  Ixfaanaxlillan,  whose  population 
extended  for  ten  or  twelve  miles  in  uninterrupted 
lines  of  dwellings,  upon  the  opposite  banks  of  a 
small  river,  which  drains  a  long  and  narrow  valley. 
A  city  of  that  name  iniiabited  by  six  thousand  souls 
occupied  the  summit  of  a  lofty  and  steep  mountain, 
whose  natural  strength  was  so  improved  by  walls 
and  ditches,  that  the  Spaniards  compared  it  with 

*  B.  Diaz.     Solis  t  Clavigero. 


CH.   III.  MEXICO.  81 

the  best  fortifications  in  Spain.  The  choice  of  the 
position  and  the  mural  defences  were  dictated  by 
the  vicinity  of  the  hostile  Tlascalans. 

IV.  In  thejnean  time,  the  Totonacan  embassa- 
dors had  arrived  at  Tlascala,  carefully  clad  in  the 
costume  of  their  office,  having  over  their  shoulders 
a  cotton  mantle  twisted  and  knotted  at  the  extremi- 
ties, and  in  the  right  hand  a  long  arrow,  fledged 
with  ivhite  feathers  emblematic  of  peace.*  On  the 
succeeding  day  they  were  led  to  the  Senate,  assem- 
bled in  a  large  hall,  whose  members,  arranged  ac- 
cording to  their  age,  were  seated  upon  low  stools, 
of  precious  wood,  made  of  a  single  block.  They 
entered  the  hall  with  their  arrows  raised,  and  the 
hoods  of  their  mantles  drawn  over  their  heads,  and 
advancing  slowly  into  the  centre  of  the  hall,  sunk 
upon  their  knees  and  awaited  permission  to  speak: 
This  being  granted,  the  oldast,  seating  himself  on 
his  heels,  addressed  the  Senate  in  a  full  clear  voice. 
''Noble  Republic,  valiant  and  powerful  Tlascalans, 
the  lord  of  Chempoalla  and  the  Caciques  of  the 
mountains,  your  friends  and  allies  salute  you !  They 
wish  you  fruitful  harvests  and  the  destruction  of 
your  enemies !  T/e  are  commissioned  to  inform 
you,  that  there  have  arrived  in  this  land,  from  the 
country  where  the  sun  rises,  a  race  of  invincible 
men,  who  seem  like  gods;  v/ho  navigate  the  ocean 
in  floating  palaces,  and  whose  armcare  the  thunder 
and  lightning  of  the  heavens.  They  worship  Gods 
superior  to  ours,  to  whom  every  species  of  tyranny 
and  every  sacrifice  of  human  victims  is  an  abomi- 
nation. The  commander  of  these  extraordinary 
men  is  the  embassador  of  a  very  powerful  prince, 

*  "\Micn  the  mission  was  denunciatory  of  war  the  feathers  of 
the  arrow  were  red.  The  learned  reader  will  recognise  in  these 
officers  the  substitute  for  the  Feciaks  and  the  Caduceatorcs  of 
the  Romans;  the  former,  the  denunciators  of  war;  the  latter  the 
messengers  of  peace. 


82  HSTORY  OF  AMERICA.  Cit,   III. 

who,  impelled  by  his  religion  seeks  to  remedy  the 
abuses  in  our  country,  and  to  restrain  the  excesses 
of  Montezuma.  Already  has  he  restored  our  na- 
tion to  freedom;  and,  being  obliged  to  pass  through 
your  republic  towards  Mexico,  he  seeks  to  know 
in  what  that  tyrant  may  have  offended  you,  that  he 
may  make  your  cause  his  own.  With  this  infor- 
mation of  his  designs  and  experience  of  his  benig- 
nity, we  beseech  and  admonish  you  on  the  part  of 
our  Caciques  and  their  confederation,  to  receive 
these  strangers  as  the  benefactors  and  associates  of 
your  allies.  And  on  the  part  of  the  foreign  leader, 
we  are  instructed  to  say,  that,  he  visits  you  in 
peace,  and  asks,  only,  permission  to  pass  uninter- 
ruptedly through  your  states."  Having  thus  deliver- 
ed their  message,  the  four  rose  from  their  knees  and 
with  a  low  reverence  departed,  to  await  in  their 
lodgings  the  reply  of  the  Senate. 

V.  The  Tlascalan  confederacy  was  at  this  time 
governed  by  Maxicatzin,  the  General-in-chief, 
Tlekul,  Xolitzin,  and  Citlalpocatzin;  who  replied, 
that  they  were  grateful  for  tlie  information  and 
counsel  of  the  Totonacasj  but  that  the  demand  of 
the  strangers  required  mature  consideration,  before 
it  was  answered.  In  the  debate  of  the  Senate 
which  ensued,  Maxicatzin,  called  to  the  remem- 
brance of  liis  auditors,  the  tradition  which  had  de- 
scended from  their  remotest  ancestors,  and  which 
was  entertained  as  a  part  of  their  religious  faith; 
predicting  that  there  should  come  from  the  regions 
of  the  East,  an  invincible  race,  with  such  domin- 
ion over  tlie  elements,  that  they  would  build  float- 
ing towns  upon  the  great  deep,  and  compel  the  fire 
and  the  air  to  aid  them  in  subjecting  the  earth: 
That,  though  he  did  not,  like  the  vulgar,  believe 
these  to  be  living  gods,  yet  that  tradition  taught 
them  to  expect  celestial  men  so  courageous  tiiatone 
would  be  an  overmatch  for  a  thousand,  yet  so  be- 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  83 

nignant  that,  thej  would  require  them  to  live  onljby 
the  rules  of  reason  and  justice.  ''Everything,"  he 
continued,  "announces,  that  these  visitors  come  to 
fulfil  the  prediction.  The  earthquakes  which  have 
lately  shaken  our  towns,  the  comet  which  now  wan- 
ders through  the  heavens,  and  the  evidences  which 
accompany  the  strangers  all  prove  that  the  promis- 
ed hour  is  at  hand;  and  I,therefore,  counsel,  that  we 
grant  his  request,  lest  his  just  resentment  prove 
fatal  to  our  nation." 

This  course  was,  however,  strenuously  opposed 
by  XicotencatI,  an  ancient  chieftain,  who  by  reason 
of  his  long  experience  in  civil  and  religious  offices, 

f)ossessed  great  influence  in  the  Senate.  "Our 
aw,"  he  said,  "enjoins  us  to  receive  strangers  but 
not  enemies.  The  men  who  have  appeared  on  our 
shores  seem  more  like  monsters  cast  up  by  the  sea, 
which  could  no  longer  endure  them,  than  gods  from 
heaven.  Are  gods  thus  covetous  of  gold  and  debasing 
pleasures?  If  they  be,  should  we  not  dread  their 
presence  in  a  country,  which  like  ours,  is  so  poor  as 
to  be  destitute  even  of  salt.^  But,  if  they  be  mortal, 
he  wrongs  us,  who  bids  us  dread  a  handful  of  needy 
adventurers.  If  they  be  mortal,  our  arms  will  tell 
it  to  the  surrounding  nations;  but  if  they  are  indeed 
of  celestial  origin,  there  will  be  always  time  to  ap- 
pease their  anger  by  homage,  and  to  implore  their 
mercy  by  repentance.  I  advise,  therefore,  that 
their  demand  be  rejected;  and  should  they  attempt 
to  enter  by  force,  that  we  chastise  their  temerity." 
YI.  The  Senate  was  much  divided  by  these  op- 
pugnant  counsels,  until  a  third  speaker  suggested 
a  middle  course,  by  which  the  odium  of  refusing 
the  requested  permission  might  be  avoided,  and  the 
strength  and  character  of  tha  strangers  fully  deve- 
loped. "  Send,"  said  he,  "a  friendly  answer,  let 
them  enter  our  territories,  but,  give  order  to  Xico- 
tencatI, (the  son  of  the  aged  chieftain,)  that,  with 


84  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  c5.   III. 

the  Otomite  mercenaries,  he  oppose  their  passage 
and  try  their  strength.  If  we  be  conquerors,  our 
name  will  be  immortal;  if  we  be  vanquished,  we 
will  charge  the  Otomites  with  having  made  war 
without  o\ir  knowledge  and  against  our  consent."* 
This  perfidious  counsel  was  adopted,  most  probably 
from  the  conviction,  that  the  professions  of  Cortes, 
who  was  marching  amicably  to  the  Mexican  Court, 
were  insincere.  The  Chempoallese  were  detained 
until  the  army  was  in  motion,  that  they  might  not 
give  information  of  its  advance.  Cortes  having 
waited  eight  days  for  the  return  of  his  messengers, 
imagining,  that  their  delay  proceeded  solely  from 
the  deliberations  consequent  on  the  form  of  govern- 
ment of  the  Tlascalans,  at  length  set  out,t  having 
his  force  augmented  by  the  Mexican  garrison  of 
Xocotla.J  In  his  march  he  came  to  the  famous 
wall  built  by  the  Tlascalans  to  defend  their  eastern 
frontiers  from  the  approach  of  the  Mexicans.  § 
The  entrance,  so  capable  of  defence,  was  un- 
guarded, and  the  Spanish  troops  marched  unimpe- 
ded through  one  of  the  most  dangerous  passes  of  the 
country.  Some  armed  Indians  appeared  in  the  dis- 
tance, hastening  probably  to  tms  deserted  post. 
They  gave  battle  to  a  small  detachment  of  cavalry, 
which  moving  in  advance  of  the  army,  had  gallop- 
ed forward  to  ascertain  tiie  determination  of  the 
Senate.     Two  horses  were  killed  in  this  encounter 

*  Snlis.  Clavin;ero.  f  30  August,  1529. 

\  TliLTc  is  much  diversity  among  historians  relative  to  this 
embassy  to  the  Thiscalans,  and  the  proceedings  of  that  nation  con- 
sequent upon  it.  Solis  and  Clavigero  say  the  number  of  embassa- 
dors was  four;  li.  Diaz  and  Kobei'tson,  two,  and  tliat  prepara- 
tions M-ero  made  to  sacrifice  them, from  which  fate  K.Diaz  says  that 
they  made  their  escape.  It  is  most  probable  tliat  the  Tlascalans 
•were  apprized  of  Mexican  troops  being  witli  tlie  Spaniards,  and 
■were  apprehensive  of  deceit,  and  willing  to  punish,  by  fright  at 
least,  the  emissaries  of  those  who  Avittingly  or  unwittingly, 
migiit  be  aiding  in  the  deception. 

§  bee  vol.  3.  p.  289. 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  85 

and  three  others  and  two  men  wounded.  A  loss 
most  sensibly  felt  in  so  small  a  squadron,  and  which 
the  Spaniards  deemed  uncompensated  by  the  lives 
of  fifty  Otomies,  whom  they  slew  in  the  encounter. 
After  this  skirmish,  Cortes  halted  for  the  night. 
Soon,  after  resuming  his  march  on  the  next  morn- 
ing, he  was  assailed  by  a  thousand  Tlascalans,  who 
in  despite  of  his  pacific  remonstrances,  and  of  a 
formal  protest  made  by  a  notary,  of  his  peaceable 
designs,  continued  to  gall  his  march.  AVhen  pressed, 
the  enemy  retired,  drawing  on  the  invaders  to  steep 
and  broken  ground,  impracticable  for  cavalry, 
where  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  were  advanta- 
geously posted.*  A  very  perilous  encounter  here 
was  concluded  by  the  Spaniards  regaining  the  plain 
and  routing  their  foes  with  considerable  loss,  having 
fifteen  wounded  with  one  killed  on  their  part.  A 
fierce  combat  between  one  of  the  late  embassadors 
and  a  gigantic  Tlascalan,  in  which  the  former  pre- 
vailed by  killing  his  enemy,  is  recorded  with  com- 
mendations of  Chempoallese  valor,  by  the  Spanish 
historians. 

Cortes  encamped  upon  a  commanding  hill  where 
he  erected  huts  for  his  troops,  which  he  surrounded 
with  entrenchments.  Here,  he  remained,  until  he 
had  established  a  firm  peace  with  the  Tlascalans. 
From  this  position,  he  sent  out  detachments  to  re- 
connoitre the  country,  who  set  fire  to  several  ham- 
lets and  captured  many  prisoners.  The  latter  were 
liberated  and  made  the  bearers  of  pacific  proposals 
to  the  Senate.  Some,  joining  the  Tlascalan  army 
under  Xicotencatl,  communicating  to  him  their 
message,  he  bade  them  return  and  inform  the  Span- 
ish General,  that  if  he  desired  peace,  he  must  seek 
it  in  the  capital,  where  he  and  his  army  would  be 

•  The  Indian  force  on  this  occasion  is  variously  enumerated. 
Cortes  says,  100,000;  Bemal  Diaz,  40,000j  others,  30,000;  all, 
perhaps,  much  exaggerated. 
9 


86  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.*Iir. 

sacrificed  to  the  gods,  and  their  bodies  made  food 
for  the  conquerors.  Tliis  tlireat  and  a  minute  de- 
scription of  the  enemy's  force,  reported  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  strong,  had  a  serious  effect  upon 
the  Spanish  soldiers,  already  mucli  harrassed  by 
fatigue?  and  they  spent  the  night  in  the  solemn  act 
of  confession,  that  they  might  more  safely  meet  the 
dangers  of  the  ensuing  day. 

On  tlie  foUowini:;  morning*  the  Tlascalan  army 
approached,  not  less  terrible  from  its  numbers,  than 
beautiful  from  its  plumes,  party-coloured  standards 
and  other  military  ornaments  whicli  waved  and 
gleamed  over  the  field.  It  was  divided  into  divi- 
sions, each  of  eight  thousand  men.  In  the  rear 
guard,  according  to  custom,  was  placed  the  banner 
of  the  republic,  a  golden  eagle  with  outspread  wings. 
With  a  barbaric  and  scornful  generosity,  Xicoten- 
catl  sent  to  his  foes  a  large  supply  of  provisions,  of 
which  he  had  learned  they  stood  in  need,  consisting 
of  three  hundred  turkeys  and  two  hundred  baskets 
of  Tamall'u  or  Indian  bread,  bidding  them  eat  and 
be  strong,  that  he  shamed  to  fight  an  enemy  already 
more  than  half  conquered  by  famine.  Having  al- 
lowed them  time  for  their  meal  he  despatched  two 
thousand  men  to  assail  their  camp;  and  the  rest  of 
his  army  advanced  to  their  support,  who,  made  tlie 
attack  with  great  impetuosity,  forced  the  entrench- 
ments and  engaged  hand  to  hand  with  the  Spanish 
swordsmen.  Notwithstanding  the  disparity  of 
weapons,  victory  might  have  crowned  the  brave 
efforts  of  tlie  Tlascalans,  had  union  been  preserved 
among  their  forces.  But  the  arrogance  of  Xico- 
tencatl  M'as  equally  oftensive  to  friends  and  foes. 
Having  grossly  insulted  the  chief  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  his  troops,  and  refusins;  him  the  satisfaction 
of  single  combat  which  the  other  claimed,  the  ia- 

•  15th  of  September. 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  87 

jured  officer  withdrew  his  troops  from  the  field, 
when  the  Spaniards  overwhelmed  bv  numbers  and 
wearied  by  their  own  exertions,  were  almost  disa- 
bled from  continuing  the  combat.  This  defection 
became  contagious,  and  the  impetuous  Tlascalan 
General  was  compelled  to  retreat  at  the  very- 
moment  that  victory  hovered  over  his  standard.  In 
this  as  in  almost  every  other  battle,  between  the 
Europeans  and  Indians,'  the  loss  of  the  respective 
parties  was  proportioned  not  to  the  numerical  force 
but  to  the  efficiency  of  weapons.  The  escaiipil  or 
cotton  mail,  yielded  protection  equal  to  steel, 
against  arrows  and  spears  headed  M'ith  flint,  and 
the  Spanish  buckler  easily  turned  aside  staves  har- 
dened in  the  fire,  or  pointed  occasionally  with  cop- 
per, and  broke  the  force  of  the  more  dangerous 
weapon  the  maquahuitl,  or  sword  edged  with  itzli. 
But  the  cross  bow,  the  arquebuse  and  the  cannon, 
became  tenfold  more  destructive  from  the  dense 
masses  of  the  Indian  army,  and  the  sharp  Toledo 
blade  passed  easily  through  the  body  of  the  naked 
foe.  The  Spaniards  had  only  one  man  killed,  but  six- 
ty with  all  the  horses  were  wounded,  in  the  fiercely 
contested  and  protracted  combat,  whilst  the  havoc 
of  the  Tlascalans  was  enormously  great.  The 
number  however,  could  not  be  ascertained,  as  the 
instant  a  warrior  fell  he  was  removed  from  the  fieldj 
and  these  eftbrts  of  pride  or  humanity,  tended 
greatly  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  troops  and  to 
enfeeble  their  operations. 

After  this  battle  Cortes  employed  part  of  his 
force  in  foragino;,  whilst  he  awaited  the  reply  to  the 
reiteration  of  his  proposals  for  peace.  Not\nth- 
standing  their  misfortunes,  the  majority  of  the  Se- 
nate was  indisposed  to  treat:  yet  the  opinion  began 
to  prevail,  that  the  Spaniards,  if  not  gods,  were  of 
a  supernatural  race,  and  the  Senators  rationally  re- 
quired of  the  priesthood,  the  means  most  effectually 


88  HISTORY  or  AMERICA.  CII.  III. 

to  check  their  superhuman  power.  This  oracle 
unhesitatingly  replied,  that  the  visitors  were  nei- 
ther immortal  nor  invincible;  that  being  children 
of  the  sun,  they  were  protected  by  their  pro- 
genitor during  the  day;  but  that,  with  the  departure 
of  his  rays  their  strength  forsook  them,  and  they 
became  incapable  of  defence.  Orders,  therefore, 
were  instantly  despatched  to  Xicotencatl  to  make 
a  night  attack  on  the  Spanish  camp.  In  the  exe- 
cution of  this  command,  the  Tlascalan  General 
showed  no  want  of  ability.  To  learn  the  position 
and  defences  of  his  enemies  he  sent  fifty  spies 
laden  with  provisions,  and  some  other  inconsi- 
derable presents,  bearing  also,  a  pacific  message. 
These  messengers  strolled  for  a  while  unregarded 
through  the  camp,  their  curiosity  being  supposed 
such  as  was  natural  to  the  occasion  only.  But  the 
Totonacas  soon  observed,  that  the  survey  was  re- 
markably close  and  particular,  and  communicated 
their  suspicions,  that  the  message  was  delusive,  and 
that  an  extraordinary  attack  might  be  expected. 
Cortes  immediately  ordered  the  arrest  of  all  the 
messengers  and  putting  some  to  the  torture,  and 
threatening  others,  he  obtained  information  of  tlie 
Tlascalan's  plan.  Having  hitherto  discharged  all 
his  prisoners  unharmed,  without  any  apparent  good 
effect  on  the  disposition  of  his  adversaries,  the 
General  now  deemed  an  act  of  severity  indispensa- 
ble. The  lives  of  his  present  captives  were  for- 
feited by  the  acknowledged  laws  of  war,  and  anv 
punishment  short  of  death  was  deemed  permissable. 
He,  therefore,  directed  that  the  hands  of  seventeen, 
and  the  thumbs  of  the  others  should  be  cut  off; 
and  he  despatched  them  in  this  miserable  and  bleed- 
ing condition  to  inform  their  commander,  that  he 
was  prepared  for,  and  awaited  his  approach.  The 
troops  were  immediately  put  under  arms,  and  at 
night,  bells  having  been  affixed  to  the  breast  plates 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  89 

of  the  horses,  they  marched  to  meet  the  advancing 
enemy.  The  lamentable  spectacle  of  the  mutila- 
ted spies  and  the  unwonted  sounds  of  the  bells, 
connected  with  the  surprise  at  finding  the  foe, 
whom  they  expected  to  see  deprived  of  all  power, 
more  active  and  terrible  during  the  night  than  du- 
ring the  day,  dismayed  the  Tlascalans  and  they  dis- 
persed and.  fled  despite  of  every  effort  of  their 
brave  but  obstinate  leader  to  bring  them  into 
action.*  The  priests  who  had  recommended  a 
night  attack,  a  measure  wholly  at  variance  wdththe 
established  customs  of  the  nation,  fell  victims  to 
their  presumption  and  expiated  on  the  altar,  their 
error  in  discovering  the  will  of  the  gods. 

VTI.  These  repeated  disasters  abated  the  nation- 
al fierceness,  and  the  people  and  their  princes  be- 
came sincerely  desirous  of  peace.  But  they  were 
at  a  loss  in  what  manner  to  address  the  strangers; 
whether  as  beings  of  a  gentle  or  malevolent  nature. 
Their  amazing  lenity  in  dismissing  their  prisoners, 
not  only  unhurt,  but  often  with  presents,  indicated 
the  first,  but  the  severity  exercised  on  the  unfortu- 
nate spies  seemed  of  the  last.  At  length,  four 
aged  and  venerable  men  appeared  at  the  Spanish 
camp,  attended  by  many  persons  bearing  a  present 
of  fowls  and  fruits,  several  old  female  slaves 
wretchedly  clad,  some  incense  and  a  quantity  of 
parrot  feathers.      "  If,"  said  they,  addressing  Cor- 

*  The  account  given  by  B.  Diaz,  and  by  Solis,  in  relation  to 
this  night  attack,  and  the  mutilation  of  the  spies  appears  con- 
fused and  erroneous.  They  speak  of  two  projected  attacks  by 
night,  one  of  whicli,  the  first,  was  actually  made  upon  the  camp 
and  without  notice,  and  the  other,  ^vas  defeated  after  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  design  had  been  extorted  from  the  spies.  It  is  not 
probable  that  after  the  dispersion  of  the  army  in  the  first  night 
engagement,  and  the  discovery  tliat  the  Spaniards  did  not  lose 
their  courage  and  vigour  with  the  sun,  that  the  Tlascalans  made 
a  second  hopeless  attack:  We  have  therefore  followed  Clavi- 
gero  in  our  narrative,  his  account  being  the  most  connected  and 
consisteot. 

9* 


90  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  III. 

tes  and  his  companions,  "you  are  divinities  of  a 
cruel  and  savage  nature,  we  present  you  these 
slaves,  that  you  may  eat  their  flesh  and  drink  their 
blood — If  your  nature  be  immortal  and  beneficent, 
we  offer  you  this  incense  and  those  plumes.  If  ye 
be  men,  lo!  here  is  bread  and  meat  and  fruit  to 
nourish  you."  Peace  was  now  speedily  concluded. 
The  Tlascalans  yielded  themselves  vassals  to  the 
crown  of  Spain,  and  engaged  to  assist  Cortes  in 
all  his  future  operations,  and  in  return,  he  pro- 
mised to  defend  the  Republic  from  all  violence.* 

This  treaty  was  seasonably  established  for  the 
Spaniards.  The  fatigue  of  service  in  which  half 
the  army  was  on  duty  every  night,  whilst  the  other 
half  slept  on  their  arms;  the  wounds  which  many 
of  the  soldiers  had  received;  the  diseases  of  the 
climate  of  which  many  had  died;  the  scarcity  of 
food  notwithstanding  the  supplies  from  the  friendly 
Indians;  the  want  of  hospital  stores  which  com- 
pelled them  to  make  their  salves  of  the  fat  of  the 
slain  Indians,  all  made  a  burden  so  oppressive,  that 
many  of  the  stoutest  veterans  began  to  murmur,  to 
look  upon  the  future  with  dread,  and  to  chide  that 
folly  which  had  consented  to  deprive  them  of  their 
ships,  by  which  they  might  have  retreated  from 
such  unequal  conflicts  and  imminent  dangers.  It 
required  the  utmost  exertion  of  Cortes'  authority 
and  address  to  check  this  spirit  of  despondence 
and  to  re-animate  his  followers  with  their  won- 
ted sense  of  superiority  over  the  enemies  with 
whom  they  had  to  contend.  The  submission 
of  the  Tlascalans,  and  their  own  triumphant  entry 
into  the  capital  city,  wiiere  they  were  received  with 
the  reverence  paid  to  beings  of  a  superior  order, 
banished  at  once  from  the  minds  of  tlie  adventu- 
rers all  memory  of  past  sufferings,  and  evil  bodings 

•  Robertson.  Sjlia.  Clavigero. 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  91 

of  the  future;  fully  satisfying  them,  that  there  was 
not  now,  any  power  in  America  able  to  withstand 
tlieir  arms.* 

VIII.  But  the  peace  with  Tlascala  was  very 
distasteful  to  the  Mexicans,  whose  emissaries  earn- 
estly remonstrated  with  Cortes  on  his  easy  credu- 
lity, which  could  confide  in  men  who  had  treache- 
rously assailed  him,  after  having  invited  him  to  en- 
ter tlieir  country.  They  contrasted  this  conduct 
with  the  kindness  and  good  faith  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  sought  further  to  conciliate  the  Spaniard  by 
new  and  valuable  presents;  earnestly  beseeching 
him  not  to  enter  the  Tlascalan  territory,  where  he 
might  be  more  securely  and  more  effectually  assail- 
ed. The  General  treated  this  warning  lightly,  and 
it  was  indeed  wholly  unwarranted.  For,  from  the 
moment  of  pacification  the  Tlascalans  remained 
the  most  faithful  and  attached  allies  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  most  joyfully  off*ered  to  put  the  whole  of 
their  military  force  under  the  command  of  Cortes, 
to  accompany  him  to  the  Court  of  Mexico.  But 
this  alliance  was  not  the  only  fruit  the  Spaniards 
reaped  from  their  victories.  In  the  same  camp 
where  he  received  the  Tlascalan  embassadors,  he 
was  visited  by  deputies  from  the  Republic  of  Huex- 
otzinco,  another  enemy  to  Montezuma,  and  from 
the  insurgent  prince  of  Acolhuacan,  Ixtlilxochitl, 
to  congratulate  him  on  his  late  successes,  to  offer 
him  their  alliance  and  to  invite  him  to  their  respec- 
tive countries.  AVhen  Cortes  understood  the  rank, 
pretension  and  power  of  the  prince,  he  eagerly  ac- 
cepted his  proff*ered  friendship.  The  reception  of 
the  Spaniards  in  the  capital  of  Tlascala  on  the  23d 
of  September  1519,  was  attended  with  great  splen- 
dor. Triumphal  arches  adorned  with  garlands  of 
flowers,  were  erected  by  the  inhabitants  in  all  the 

*  Soils.  Bemal  Diaz.  Robertson. 


92  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  III. 

streets,  and  their  progress  was  cheered  by  the  shouts 
of  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  spectators, 
mingled  with  the  noises  of  their  rude  instruments 
of  music.  Tlascala  was  at  this  time  one  of  the 
most  considerable  cities  of  Anahuac.  In  grandeur, 
population,  buildings  and  abundance  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  by  the  testimony  of  Cortes  himself, 
it  exceeded  Granada  when  wrested  from  the  Moors. 
The  Republic  by  a  census  taken,  at  the  request  of 
the  Spanish  General,  contained  upwards  of  fifty 
thousand  dwellings  and  more  than  five  hundred 
thousand  inhabitants. 

IX.  During  his  stay  at  Tlascala,  Cortes  received 
from  its  chiefs  full  and  particular  information  rela- 
tive to  the  state  of  the  Mexican  empire  and  tlie 
qualities  of  its  sovereign.  He  found,  not  only  the 
enmity  of  his  new  allies  towards  the  Mexicans,  as 
great  as  it  was  represented,  but  that  the  discontent 
of  the  subject  nations  had  not  been  exaggerated; 
and  his  confidence  of  success  in  a  final  contest 
with  the  Mexican  power  was  confirmed.  The  re- 
spect and  veneration  of  the  Tlascalans  for  their 
guests,  grew  stronger  as  their  new  and  extraordi- 
nary qualities  were  displayed,  and  unable  to  con- 
ceive that  such  powers  could  pertain  to  mortals,  they 
also  fancied  the  Spaniards  to  be  of  heavenly  origin. 
Hence,  the  chief  Maxicatzin,  expressed  to  Cortes 
his  surprise,  that,  being  gods,  they  seemed  to  re- 
cognise a  superior  deity,  before  whom  they  daily 
exhibited  the  ceremonies  of  sacrifice,  yet  offered  no 
victim;  adding,  he  did  not  perceive  Viiat  they  had 
any  thing  to  ofter,unlessat  were  some  one  member  of 
tlieir  company,  for  tlie  safety  of  the  whole.  The 
piety  of  Cortes  instantly  seized  this  favorable 
occasion  to  proclaim  and  extend  his  holy  faith.  He 
disavowed,  for  himself  and  his  followers,  all  pre- 
tensions to  superhuman  powers;  yet  though  not 
gods,  he  said,  they  were  invincible,  for,  being  born 


CH.   III.  MEXICO.  93 

in  a  favorable  climate,  they  possessed  greater  cou- 
rage and  greater  force  than  other  men,  and  that 
they  recognised  no  superior  save  the  great  ruler  of 
the  universe,  and  their  king,  who  was  the  greatest 
sovereign  upon  earth;  among  whose  subjects  he 
would  rank  the  Tlascalans,  since  being  brothers  of 
the  Spaniards,  they  would  not  hesitate  to  obey  tlie 
same  sovereign. 

When  assured  of  tlie  humanity  of  his  guests,  the 
gratified  chieftain  sought  to  bind'  them  more  close- 
ly to  his  nation  by  human  ties;  and  like  the  Chem- 
poallese  oftered  them  several  virgins  of  the  most 
aistinguished  families  of  the  nation.  These  Cor- 
tes at  first  declined,  under  pretence  that  the  chris- 
tian law  forbade  polygamy,  and  particularly  iiny 
connection  with  women  who  were  heathens.  But 
at  length,  he  accepted  five  damsels,  v^ho,  being  bap- 
tized, were  distributed  among  his  chief  officers.* 
The  Tlascalans  willingly  submitted  to  be  consider- 
ed the  vassals  of  a  great  and  distant  monarch, 
whose  authority  they  might  suppose  themselves 
able  to  limit;  but  they  firmly  refused  to  abandon 
the  religion  they  had  inherited  from  their  fathers. 
They  granted  the  superior  nature  of  the  God  of  the 
Spaniards,  "But,"  said  Maxicatzin,  ''Our  god 
Camaxtl  gives  us  victory  over  our  enemies;  our 
goddess  yiatlalcueje  sends  rain  to  our  fields  and 
protects  us  from  the  inundations  of  the  river  Zahu- 
apan:  To  each  of  our  gods  we  are  indebted  for 
some  part  of  the  happiness  of  our  lives,  and  their 
anger  might  drav,-  down  upon  the  state  the  most  se- 
vere punishment;  and  many  gods  are  indispensable, 


*  From  these  mamages,  some  of  the  principal  families  of 
.Mexico  descended.  The  daughter  of  the  elder  Xicotencati,  who 
received  at  the  baptismal  font,  the  name  of  Donna  Louisa,  was 
given  to  Alvarado.  By  her,  he  had  two  cliildren,  a  son  called 
Don  Pedro,  and  a  daughter  Leouoi-a,  "uho  married  a  cousin  of 
the  Duke  of  Albuquerque. 


94  HISTORY  OP  AMERCA.  CH.  III. 

since,  it  is  not  possible  that  one  should  extend  his 
care  over  all  things."  The  ardent  and  intempe- 
rate zeal  of  Cortes  was  stimulated  by  this  rejec- 
tion, and  he  prepared  to  treat  the  idols  of  Tlascala 
as  he  had  done  those  of  Chempoalla.  But  Father 
Olmedo  and  others  dissuaded  him  from  the  rash 
attempt;  representing  the  imprudence  of  goading 
to  phrensy  the  superstition  of  a  brave  and  warlike 
people,  who  under  more  judicious  measures  would 
become  the  most  powerful  allies.  History  gladly 
records  the  truly  christian  protest  of  this  venerable 
father,  who  not  only  opposed  the  violence  of  the 
General  upon  this  occasion,  but,  declared  his  dis- 
approbation of  that  used  at  Chempoalla,  as  alike 
impolitic  and  unjust,  and  repugnant  to  the  true 
faith,  which  sought  converts,  not  by  force  and  arms, 
but  by  enlightening  the  understanding  with  patient 
instruction,  and  captivating  the  heart  by  pious  ex- 
ample. Reproved  by  these  counsels,  Cortes  con- 
fined himself  to  expostulation  against  the  cruelty 
of  human  sacrifices;  and  he  so  far  prevailed  with 
the  chiefs  and  priests,  that  they  consented,  to  open 
their  prisons  and  liberate  the  captives  and  slaves 
destined  to  expiate  on  the  altar  the  sins  of  the  na- 
tion. 

Whilst  thus  offering  to  the  Spaniards  the  most 
satisfactory  testimonials  of  respect  and  confidence, 
the  Tlascalan  chiefs  beheld  with  regret  in  the  strict 
military  discipline  of  the  Spanish  army,  that  these 
sentiments  were  not  mutual,  and  they  earnestly  re- 
monstrated against  the  distrust  which  it  evinced.  But 
Cortes  succeeded  so  well  in  satisfying  the  Senate, 
that,  this  was  habitual  wiUi  his  countrymen,  and 
so  indispensably  necessary  to  the  efficiency  of 
the  army,  that  they  proposed  to  introduce  the  prac- 
tice among  their  own  troops. 

X.  After  twenty  days  delay  tlie  army  resumed 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  95 

its  march  for  Mexico.  *  The  Mexican  embassadors 
who  had  remained  ^vith  Cortes  all  this  time,  pro- 
posed that  he  should  pass  by  Cholula,  uhere  a  pro- 
per reception  had  been  prepared  for  him.  The 
Tlascalans  remonstrating  against  this  route,  and 
denouncing  the  perfidy  of  the  Cholulans,  advised 
him  to  proceed  through  Huexotzinco,  where  he 
would  assuredly  find  friends  and  allies.  Cortes 
adopted  the  first  proposition,  that  he  might  at  once 
gratify  Montezuma,  and  display  to  the  Tlascalans 
his  contempt  of  danger. 

The  Tlascalans  and  Cholulans  had  once  been 
united  by  a  strict  alliance,  prompted  alike  by  their 
forms  of  government,  and  resistance  to  the  Mexi- 
can power.  But  they  were  now  inveterate  foesj 
the  latter  having  most  treacherously  deserted  the 
former,  in  a  set  battle  with  their  common  ene- 
mies, and  attacked  the  Tlascalan  rear  whilst  the 
front  was  engaged  with  the  Mexicans.  The  Tlas- 
calans eagerly  sought  an  opportunity  for  ven- 
geance, and  would  gladly  have  turned  upon  their 
enemies  the  indignation  of  the  Spaniards.  They 
endeavoured,  therefore,  to  prejudice  the  mind  of 
Cortes  against  this  Republic,  representing  its  delay 
to  send  an  embassy  to  the  Spanish  camp,  as  full 
evidence  of  its  hostility;  which  they  corroborated 
by  repeating  a  message  they  had  received  from  the 
Cholulans,  reproaching  them  for  their  alliance  with 
the  Spaniards,  and  threatening  them,  should  they 
attempt  any  thing  against  their  sacred  city,  with 
destruction  by  an  overwhelming  flood :  For,  they 
professed  to  believe,  that  they  could  by  razing  the 
walls  of  the  sanctuary  of  Quetzalcoatl,  cause  such 
copious  rivers  to  spring  from  them,  as  would  in  a 
moment  overflow  the  city.  The  Tlascalans  had 
full  faith  in  the  power  of  the  Cholulans  to  perform 

*  October  13. 


96  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  HI. 

this  miracle;  yet,  their  desire  of  vengeance  over- 
came their  dread  of  danger. "^  Moved  by  these 
suggestions,  Cortes  despatched  four  noble  Tlascal- 
ans  to  Cholula,  to  demand,  ^vhy  the  Governors  of 
that  city  had  not,  like  the  neighbouring  states,  paid 
their  respects  to  him  by  their  embassadors.  They 
endeavoured  to  excuse  themselves;  alleging  the 
dread  of  their  enemies;  but  the  apology  was  borne 
by  agents  of  so  degraded  a  character,  that,  it  ap- 
peared a  manifest  demonstration  of  disrespect. 
Cortes,  at  the  instance  of  the  Tlascalans,  refused  to 
see  them;  but,  sent  other  messengers  to  Cholula, 
reproving  this  irreverence,  and  demanding  the  sub- 
mission and  fealty  of  the  state  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
its  rightful  lord.  On  the  next  day,  tl\e  Cholulans 
in  mockery  of  tliis  arrogant  pretension,  or  v.ith  the 
purpose  of  better  concealing  their  designs,  presen- 
ted themselves  with  due  formality  at  the  Spanish 
quarters,  and  declared  themselves  not  only  friends 
of  the  Spaniards,  but  vassals  of  their  king.  ^ 

XI.  Before  his  departure  from  Tlascala,  Cortes 
received  a  new  embassy  from  Montezuma,  with  a 
present  of  gold  valued  at  ten  thousand  crowns,  and 
ten  bales  of  feather  mantles,  many  of  which  he  dis- 
tributed among  his  allies.  The  embassadors  ex- 
pressed tlie  suq^rise  of  the  emperor  at  Cortes'  stay 
with  the  Tlascalans,  whom  they  denounced  as  rob- 
bers, too  vile  even  for  slaves,  and  earnestly  entrea- 
ted him  to  hasten  with  his  followers  to  Mexico,  by 
the  way  of  Cholula. 

XII.  Cholula  was  at  this  time  a  populous  city, 
eighteen  miles  south  of  Tlascala,  and  sixty  east 
from  Mexico,  celebrated  alike  for  its  commerce  and 
its  sanctity.  It  contained,  including  the  suburban 
villages,  a  population  of  more  than  200,000  souls.  Its 
chief  products  were  cotton  cloths,  gems  and  manu- 

*  Clavigero.  Benial  Diaz. 


CH.   IIL  MEXICO.  97 

factures  of  clav.  It  had  been  the  favorite  city  of 
Quetzalcoatl,  and  after  his  apotheosis  was  conse- 
crated to  his  worship,  and  held  in  great  veneration, 
by  all  the  religious  of  Anahuac.  Tlie  nations  of 
this  country  made  piljrrimages  to  it,  as  the  catho- 
lics to  Rome,  or  the  Mahometans  to  Mecca;  and  its 
many  temples,  particularly  the  great  one  which  we 
have  already  described,  were  constantly  crowded 
with  worsiiippers. 

Cortes  was  accompanied  from  Tlascala  by  a  large 
portion  of  the  army  of  that  Republic,  but  which  he 
reduced  to  sis  thousand  men.  "^  A  short  distance 
from  Cholula.  he  was  met  by  the  principal  nobles 
and  priests,  bearins;  censors  and  musical  instru- 
ments, who  paid  Inm  the  compliments  usual  on 
such  occasions.  They  invited  him  and  his  follow- 
ers, together  with  the  Totonacas  into  the  city;  but 
refused  admission  to  their  enemies  the  Tlascalans, 
who  encamped  without  the  walls  imitating  in  the 
disposition  of  their  forces,  in  the  order  of  the  sen- 
tinels, and  in  other  matters,  the  discipline  of  the 
Spaniards,  The  latter  were  lodged  in  some  large 
buildings,  where,  durins:  the  two  first  days,  they 
were  abundantly  supplied  with  provisions;  but,  af- 
ter this  period,  their  supplies  decreased,  until  no- 
thing was  furnished  by  the  city, but  wood  and  water. 
In  this  unequivocal  mark  of  disrespect,  the  vigi- 
lance of  Cortes  might  have  discovered  treachery; 
but  other  proofs  of  evil  intentions  soon  accumula- 
ted. The  citizens  about  the  Spaniards  turned  from 
them  with  a  mysterious  sneer. — The  Chempoallese 
discovered  pits  which  had  been  dug  in  the  streets 
of  the  city;  and  which  having  been  filled,  with 
sharpened  stakes,  were  covered  over  with  earth, 
that  the  horses  might  fall  therein. — Some  Tlascal- 
ans,  who  gained  entrance  into  the  city  in  disguise, 

*  B.  Diaz,  says  two  thousand. 
10 


98  HT5T0iLr  or  America.  crfiii. 

assured  the  General,  that  the  women  and  c^uldren 
of  the  town  were  departing,  a  certain  fi^  «f  im- 
pendins:  commotion — and  that  on  the  preceding 
nijrht,  seven  victims,  five  of  whom  were  children, 
had  been  sacrificed  to  the  god  of  war. — Aad.  lastly 
a  Cholulan  woman  of  rank,  who  had  bec«Me  aitedi- 
ed  to  Marina,  entreated  her  to  seek  an  isylimi  in 
her  house  against  the  dangers  which  threatened  the 
Spaniards.  The  sagacious  interpreter  alarmed  at 
this  request,  drew  from  her  friend  all  the  knowl- 
edge she  possessed  of  the  plot.  Ske  leanwd,  tiaat 
Montezuma  had  placed  in  ambush,  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  city,  twtnij  ihxmhvtd  hcb;  &at 
seven  thousand  lay  hid  ^iJtiiift  t£ke  walk;  Aatjnns 
had  been  distributed  among  <he  praMite,  aadlirg-: 
quantities  of  stones  were  (sollected  «ft  ^  tantct-r 
of  the  houses:  that  Montezuma,  cmiiiiiiiiil  ^ib  de- 
stroving  here  the  whole  of  the  Spaaidi  faiiiiijWiiie 
of  whom  he  had  directed  to  be  stmL  im  \im.  alife. 


that  he  might  at  once  saiis^  Us  ^aiiawi^  aad  sa- 
crifice them  to  tiie  gpds;  aaa  &a^  sbe  fcBeir,  ^iKse 
commands  had  bea  iraaBd  li;^^  €be  iwyiaBj  wh» 
had  sent  the  customary  symSbsA  «f  war,  a  gpMisn 
drum,  to  her  husband,  wb»  mas  caaHnBdercf  &e 
c  V      This  woman  having  been Iww^hltbe- 

i.  r..  confirmed  all  she  had  related  te  Mari- 

na. i>Li,  unwilling  to  act  pnedpitatelj',  «r  apcm 
Any  other  than  the  most  satliiaUlMif  t^tdguotg  ht 
dai^d  Marina  to  use  her  ait  te  )■■£  te  lain,  imo 
af  tfl»e  priDcinal  T>nests.  frw  wlMia  mt  cxtiacsted 
SQch  could  no  laager  daabtliie 

evil  c      .  loa  and  the  JMnHftr  Onik- 

lans.     lie  iirepajCu   ki  once,  iMitiQBlj  fir  defiBDce^ 
but^  to  inflict  a  punishmeaA  ■P**  Am  butter,  t^t 
might  render  his  name  teniUe  inaimijMHii  (lii  liiiiil 
znd  deter  it*  irhabitauts  ftrrm  Au^wr  treactaj. 

Having  >  .-f  pcsrsMS  of  Ae  caty 

to  his  qua:  ^iKifcr  tfccy  lad  any 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  99 

cause  of  complaint  against  the  Spaniards,*  proffer- 
iDg  in  such  case  instant  satisfaction.  They  replied, 
that  they  were  entirely  content  with  his  conduct: 
were  happy  to  render  him  any  service,  so  lon^  as 
it  suited  him  to  remain  in  their  city;  and  that  wTien 
it  pleased  him  to  depart,  they  would  supply  him 
with  every  thing  necessary  for  his  journey  and  ^\-ith 
troops  to  protect  his  march.  Cortes  accepted  this 
ofier  and  fixed  the  day  for  his  departure.  The 
chieftains  returned  to  their  homes,  congratulating 
each  other  on  the  favorable  opportunity  which  this 
arrangement  aftbrded,  for  the  completion  of  their 
designs;  while  Cortes  submitted  to  a  council  of  his 
officers,  an  account  of  the  impending  danger.  Some 
recommended  a  retreat  to  the  city  of  Huexotzinco, 
scarce  nine  miles  distant,  but  the  majority  referred 
themselves  to  the  determination  of  the  General. 

On  the  morning  of  the  appointed  day,  he  gave 
orders  to  the  eager  and  delighted  Tlascalans  to  pre- 
pare for  storming  the  city,  and  ranged  his  own 
troops  in  battle  array,  in  one  of  the  courts  of  the 
building  he  inhabited,  himself  appearing  at  their 
head  on  horseback.  Tlie  troops  tendered  by  the 
Cholulans,  with  about  forty  nobles,  were  now  ad- 
mitted into  the  court,  and  Cortes  sternly  reproach- 
ed them  for  their  treachery.  The  nobles  charged 
the  Mexican  embassadors  who  remained  near  the 
army,  with  having  excited  them  to  the  attempt;  but 
the  General  who  found  it  convenient  to  dissemble, 
chided  them  in  the  presence  of  the  embassadors  for 
the  falsehood  of  their  declarations,  and  assured  the 
latter  of  his  protection  in  the  dreadful  hour  that 
was  approaching.  The  signal  being  given  by  the 
firing  of  a  musket,  the  Spaniards  fell  upon  the  as- 
tonished and  dismayed  crowd,  who  destitute  of  lea- 
ders and  disarmed  by  surprise,  fell  almost  unresis- 
ting victims  to  the  crimes  of  their  chiefs.  When 
this  slaughter  was  completed,  the  Spaniards  rushed 


100  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  III. 

into  the  streets,  and  put  to  death  indiscriminately 
all  tiiej  met,  whilst  the  ferocious  Tlascalans  who 
had  entered  the  city,  sated  their  thirst  for  ven- 
geance. The  unhappy  Cholulans  resisted  with 
desperation.  Some  converted  their  temples  into 
places  of  defence,  others  broke  up  the  wall  sur- 
roundin;^  the  sacred  shrine  of  Quetzacoatl,  vainly 
hoping  lor  the  avenging  floods.  AVherever  resist- 
ance was  made,  the  assailants  applied  the  destruc- 
tive fire,  and  the  temples  and  the  chief  dwellings 
of  this  distinguished  city  were  wrapt  in  conflagra- 
tion. The  principal  streets  ran  blood,  and  were 
choked  by  mangled  and  half  burned  and  blackened 
carcases.  The  sack  continued  two  days,  on  the 
last  of  which  an  additional  Tlascalan  force  of  twen- 
ty thousand  men  arrived,  under  the  younger  Xico- 
tencatl.  The  slaughtered  citizens  exceeded  in 
number  six  thousand,  but  not  a  single  Spaniard 
perished.  The  survivors  were  despoiled  of  their 
most  precious  effects;  the  Spaniards  seizing  the 
gems,  gold  and  silver,  and  the  Tlascalans  the  ap- 
parel, feathers  and  salt.  The  auxiliary  Tlascalan 
army  was  dismissed,  charged  with  a  full  proportion 
of  the  spoil,  but  the  original  six  thousand  were  re- 
tained to  accompany  the  Spaniards  to  IVIexico. 

At  length  the  stern  and  unrelenting  justice  of 
the  General  was  appeased,  and  he  condescended  to 
stay  the  sword.  The  captive  nobles  were  libera- 
ted and,  having  been  bitterly  reproached  for  their 
treachery,  were  required  to  recal  the  fugitive  citi- 
zens and  re-establish  order  in  the  town.  In  a  few 
days  the  city  was  again  filled  with  inhabitants,  and 
the  traces  oF  desolation  in  some  measure  removed. 
Cortes  received  the  congratulations  of  tlie  Huexot- 
zincas,  and  Tlascalans,  and  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  crown  of  Spain  from  the  Tepejachese,  and 
even  from  the  Cholulans,  themselves,  who  amid  the 
ruins  of  their  smoking  temples  yielded  respectful 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  101 

service  to  the  slayer  of  their  relatives  and  country- 
men. With  strange  inconsistency,  the  men,  who 
could  themselves  riot  for  two  days  in  merciless  ho- 
micide, and  ofter  to  their  own  baleful  passions 
hecatombs  of  victims,  shuddered  at  the  sacrifices 
of  the  heathen  altars,  and  in  horror  broke  the  cages 
which  confined  the  prisoners,  and  gave  liberty  to 
the  doomed  slaves.  The  great  temple  was  cleaned 
and  the  cross  erected  by  blood  stained  hands,  and 
lips  which  had  scarce  ceased  to  cry  the  onslaught, 
were  employed  in  teaching  a  faith  of  mercy  and 
peace.  The  body  of  Indians,  who  were  posted 
without  the  city  to  intercept  the  Spaniards,  fled  in 
dismay  when  apprised  of  the  discovery  of  the 
plot.* 

This  deed  of  Cholula  has  stained  the  reputation 
of  Cortes,  whose  conduct  in  Mexico  hitherto,  save 
when  prompted  by  intemperate  religious  zeal,  was 
that  of  a  brave,  prudent  and  able  leader.  Of 
the  guilt  of  the  chiefs  it  is  not  permitted  us  to  doubt, 
else  the  Spanish  General  was  a  monster  of  cruelty, 
and  injustice.  But  we  may  well  question,  whether 
the  punishment  was  not  greatly  disproportionate  to 
the  offence;  and  whether  it  was  not  unjustly  ap- 
plied to  the  mass  of  the  people,  whilst  their  more 
guilty  chieftains,  felt  only  its  reflective  force.  The 
visitation  of  the  sins  of  the  rulers  upon  the  subjects  is 
almost  unavoidable, in  international  polity;  but  it  can 
be  strictly  just,  only,  when  the  people  have  power  to 
control  their  rulers,  and  refrain  to  use  it;  in  all  other 
cases,  all  violence  beyond  what  is  necessary  to  pre- 
vent injury,  and  consequently  all  vindictive  pun- 
ishment, is  atrocious,  and  such  is  unquestionably 
the  character  of  this  fatal  deed.  The  virtues  and 
vices  of  Cortes  were  alike  vehement,  and  in  the  in- 
human slaughter  of  Cholula  we  behold,  a  constitu- 

•  B.  Diaz.  Cortes'  Lett.  Solis.  Clavigero.  Robertson. 
10<^ 


102  HSTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CIl,   III. 

• 

tional  excess  which  has  but  too  commonly  impaired 
the  fiime  of  most  heroes. 

XIII.  Whilst  the  success  of  his  meditated  ven- 
geance was  doubtful,  Cortes  dissembled  his  indig- 
nation, against  JNlontezuma,  but  now,  elated  by 
success  he  ventured  to  give  full  scope  to  his  feel- 
ings; and  he  charged  the  Mexican  embassadors  to 
inform  their  master,  that  though  he  had  hitherto  in- 
tended to  enter  Mexico,  peaceably,  as  a  guest,  late 
events  had  disposed  him  to  assume  the  cliaracter  of 
an  enemy.  The  embassadors  replied,  that  before 
he  adopted  such  a  resolution,  he  should  make  a 
more  strict  inquiry  into  the  intentions  of  their 
king;  and  proposed  that  one  of  them  should  bear 
his  complaints  to  the  foot  of  the  throne.  To  this 
he  consented;  and  the  messenger  after  six  days  re- 
turned, bringing  a  present  in  gold,  worth  five  thou- 
sand sequins*  fifteen  hundred  habits  and  a  large 
quantity  of  provisions,  with  thanks,  too,  of  the  king 
to  Cortes,  for  the  punishment  he  had  inflicted  on 
the  faithless  Cholulans;  protesting  that,  the  army 
which  lay  in  ambush,  was  composed  of  the  Acliat- 
zinchese  and  Itzocanese,  the  allies  of  Cholula,  who, 
though  subjects  of  Mexico,  had  assumed  arms  with- 
out the  orders  of  their  sovereign.  To  such  degra- 
dation had  the  unmanly  fears  of  Montezuma  re- 
duced him!  Cortes  appeased  by  the  present,  ap- 
peared to  give  full  credit  to  this  apology,  t 

XIV.  Yet  the  hypocrisy  of  the  emperor  was  ren- 
dered more  apparent,  by  tlie  proceedings  of  his 
oflicers  on  the  coast.  Quauhpopoccu  the  Governor 
of  Naiditlan,  a  small  city  on  the  Mexican  gulph, 
thirty-six  miles  north  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  near 
the  confines  of  the  Mexican  empire  in  that  quarter, 
had  orders  from  Montezuma  to  reduce  the  Totona- 
cas  to  their  wonted  obedience,  as  soon  as  Cortes 

*  More  than  $  10,000.  t  Clavigero,  book  8. 


! 


CH.   III.  MEXICO.  ,     103 

had  retired  from  the  coast.  They,  confident  in  the 
protection  of  their  new  sovereign,  scoffed  at  the 
Governor's  demand  of  tribute,  and  when  payment 
was  attempted  to  be  enforced  by  the  sword,  invoked 
the  aid  of  Juan  Escalante  and  the  garrison  of  Vera 
Cruz.  This  officer  remonstrated  in  vain  with  the 
Mexican  Governor;  who,  asserting  the  mandate  of 
his  sovereign,  informed  the  Spaniard  that  if  he  pro- 
posed to  support  the  rebels,  he  would  meet  him 
upon  the  pUiins  of  Nauhtlan,  where  arms  might 
decide  the  contest.  Escalante  readily  accepted 
this  defiance,  and  marched  to  the  appointed  field, 
with  two  horses,  two  small  pieces  of  artillery,  fifty 
Spanish  infantry  and  ten  thousand  Totonacas. 
Upon  the  first  fierce  onset  of  the  Mexicans,  the 
dastardly  auxiliaries  were  thrown  into  confusion 
and  took  to  flight;  but  the  Spaniards  courageously 
continued  the  battle,  and  by  the  force  of  their  can- 
non and  the  superiority  of  their  tactics  compelled 
the  Mexicans  to  retire  to  Nauhtlan,  whither  they 
pursued  them  and  set  fire  to  some  houses.  But 
the  victory  cost  them  the  life  of  Escalante,  who 
died  of  his  wounds  three  days  afterwards,  and 
seven  soldiers  who  fell  in  combat.  The  head  of 
one  of  the  latter,  remarkable  for  its  size  and  tlie 
fierceness  of  its  aspect,  was  carried  to  Montezuma, 
who,  shocked  by  its  appearance,  refused  to  suffer  it 
to  be  offered  to  the  gods  in  any  temple  of  the  city. 
Cortes  received  intelligence  of  these  circumstances 
whilst  at  Cholula,  but  he  suppressed  it,  lest  he 
should  discourage  his  army. 

XV.  Cortes  now  resumed  his  march  for  Mexico, 
escorted  by  the  Tlascalan  and  some  Huexotzincan 
and  Cholulan  troops.  At  Izcalpan,  a  village  of 
Huexotzinco,  fifteen  miles  from  Cholula,  the  chiefs 
of  that  country  renewed  their  protestations  of  feal- 
ty; and  informed  him  that  two  roads  led  to  Mexi- 
co; one,  broad  and  well  made,  which  skirted  some 


104  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   III. 

• 

precipices,  where  there  was  much  reason  to  appre- 
hend an  ambuscade;  the  other  shorter  and  more 
direct  was  newly  obstructed  by  trees  cut  down  for 
that  purpose.  The  General  chose  the  latter  route,  and 
to  the  remonstrances  of  the  Mexicans  upon  its  im- 
pediments, replied,  that  difficulties,  only  excited 
the  enterprise  of  his  people.  In  crossing  the  moun- 
tain Ithualco,  between  the  volcanoes  Popocatepec 
and  Iztaccihuatl,by  this  road, the  army  suffered  con- 
siderably by  a  fall  of  snow,  which  whitened  the 
surrounding  country. 

XVI.  From  the  summit  of  Ithualco,  the  Span- 
iards first  obtained  a  view  of  the  Vale  of  Mexico, 
then,  the  most  striking  and  beautiful  prospect  on 
the  face  of  the  earth.  Wlien  they  observed  fertile 
and  cultivated  fields  stretching  apparently  in  end- 
less extent,  the  lake  like  a  sea,  encompassed  by 
lar^e  towns,  and  the  splendid  city  of  ^Mexico,  with 
its  lofty  temples  and  turrets  rising  from  its  bosom, 
the  scene  appeared  like  the  creation  of  magic,  sur- 
passing all  that  their  imaginations  had  been  able  to 
conceive.  Its  effect  upon  the  wondering  spectators 
was  very  various.  The  sanguine  and  confident  al- 
ready rioted  in  the  wealth  they  beheld,  not  doubt- 
ing to  become  its  immediate  possessors:  But  the 
more  timid  or  more  prudent  revolved  in  their 
minds  the  temerity  of  their  attempt  to  subjugate  a 
people  so  numerous  and  so  well  instructed  in  the 
arts. 

XVII.  In  the  mean  time  Montezuma,  in  con- 
sternation at  the  event  of  Cholula,  had  retired  to 
the  Palace  of  Mourning,  where  for  ei^ht  days,  he 
subjected  himself  to  tlie  usual  austerities,  to  avert 
the  an^er  of  his  gods.  From  this  place,  he  des- 
patched four  persons  of  the  Inghcst  order  of  nobili- 
ty to  Cortes,  to  express  his  grief  that  he  should 
have  incurred  so  much  trouble  in  coming  from  a  far 
country  to  visit  him,  and  his  earnest  desire,  that  he 


i 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  105 

would  return  without  entering  the  city  of  Mexico; 
promising  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  Spanish 
king,  and  to  send  after  the  army,  four  loads  of  gold 
for  the  General,  and  one  to  each  of  his  captains 
and  soldiers;  assuring  him  at  the  same  time,  that 
his  further  advance  was  impracticable,  the  roads 
being  impassable  and  the  whole  force  of  the  empire 
interposed  for  its  defence.*  The  present  brought 
by  the  embassadors  on  this  occasion,  consisted  of 
wrought  gold,  valued  at  three  thousand  pesos. 
Cortes  received  the  messengers  with  every  demon- 
stration of  respect,  rendered  his  thanks  to  the  king, 
for  his  present  donation  and  his  magnificent  promi- 
ses; declaring,  however,  that  he  could  not  recede, 
without  disobedience  to  his  sovereign;  and  protest- 
ing, that  he  neither  designed,  nor  would  permit  the 
smallest  injury  to  the  Mexican  State;  and  that 
should  the  emperor,  after  hearing  the  message 
which  he  bore,  and  which  he  could  not  communi- 
cate to  any  other,  disapprove  of  the  longer  stay  of 
the  Spaniards  in  his  dominions,  they  would  without 
delay  return  to  their  native  country. 

The  panic  terror  of  Montezuma  grew  so  strong 
under  his  ascetic  devotion  and  the  false  oracles  and 
new  visions  of  his  priests,  that  without  waiting  the 
issue  of  his  last  embassy,  he  convoked  a  council 
consisting  of  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  his  brother  Cu- 
itlahuatzm,  and  other  chief  persons  of  his  court. 
Cuitlahuatzin  maintained  the  advice  he  had  former- 
ly given,  that  the  strangers  should  be  turned  from 
their  purpose,  at  all  hazards,  by  persuasion,  or  by 
force;  wliilst  Cacamatzin  contended  for  the  proprie- 
ty of  receiving  them,  as  embassadors,  alleging  that 

*  Tlie  ordinaiy  load  of  a  Mexican  porter  was  fifty  Spanish 
pounds  or  eight  hundred  ounces;  from  this  data,  Clavigero  es- 
timates, that  the  vahie  of  tlie  gold  oftered  by  Montezuma  on 
this  occasion,  exceeded  three  millions  of  sequins, — more  than 
six  millions  of  dollars — a  sura  which  he  surely  could  not  have 
paid. 


106  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   III. 

the  king  had  power  to  crush  them,  at  his  pleasure, 
should  they  become  dangerous  to  the  state.  Tlie 
irresolute  and  mutable  monarch  again  changed  his 
purpose^  and  adopting  the  advice  of  his  nephew, 
sent  him  with  a  new  invitation  to  Cortes  to  ad- 
vance. 

XVIII.  Having  dismissed  the  embassadors,  the 
Spanish  General  moved  with  his  troops  from  Ithualco 
to  Amaquemecan  and  Tlalmanalco,  two  cities  about 
nine  miles  distant  from  each  other,  situated  near 
the  base  of  the  mountain.*  The  first,  then  con- 
tained with  the  adjacent  hamlet,  above  two  thou- 
sand inhabitants.  The  chiefs  of  these  places  wai- 
led on  Cortes,  with  a  small  present  of  gokl  and 
some  slaves,  giving  utterance  to  bitter  complaints 
against  tlie  oppression  of  Montezuma,  and  finally 
acceded  to  the  confederacy  whicli  had  been  formed, 
by  the  other  nations  against  his  power.  Thus,  Cor- 
tes discovered,  tliat  the  discontent  which  had  de- 
stroyed the  strength  of  the  empire  at  the  extremi- 
ties vvas  also  corrupting  its  very  heart;  and  the 
nearer  he  approached  the  capital,  his  own  force  in- 
creased, like  the  current  of  a  river,  by  auxiliary 
streams,  as  it  flows  on  to  its  estuary. 

XIX.  From  Tlalmanalco,  the  army  marched  to 
Ajotzinco,  a  village  on  the  southern  shore  of  the 
late  of  Chalco,  where  it  remained  during  the 
night.  On  the  following  morning,  when  about  to 
depart,  the  General  was  informed  that  tlie  king  of 
Tezcuco,  was  approaching  his  quarters  and  request- 
ed that  he  would  await  his  visit.  The  barbaric 
splendour  of  this  dependent  monarch  amazed  the 
Spaniards.     He  was  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  eight 

•  Amaquemecan,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Mecameca,  is  con- 
founded ])Y  Solis  wiUi  Ajotzinco.  It  was  never  situated,  as  lie 
Bays,  on  the  bonier  of  tiie  lake,  but  at  twelve  miles  distnnce 
from  it,  on  the  side  of  the  mountain.  It  is  at  i>resent  an  inoon- 
eidov^'.^  -I'.lin""'.     Clavigero. 


CH.   III.  MEXICO.  107 

nobles,  in  a  magnificent  litter  adorned  with  green 
plumes,  and  enriched  with  jewels  set  in  branched 
columns  of  solid  gold;  a  splendid  retinue  of  Mexi- 
can and  Tezcucan  nobility  surrounded  him;  and 
when  he  alighted  from  his  palanquin,  his  servants 
preceded  him,  industriously  removing  whatever 
might  offend  his  feet  or  his  sight.  He  entered  the 
hall  where  Cortes  awaited  him  with  an  air  of  ma- 

n,  seated  himself  deliberately,  and  then  polite- 
)ngratulated  the  General  and  his  officers  on 
tneir  happy  arrival,  and  expressed  the  pleasure 
which  his  uncle  enjoyed  in  forming  an  amicable  con- 
nection with  the  mightiest  monarch  of  the  East:  but 
he  exaggerated  the  difficulties  of  reaching  the  court, 
and  earnestly  sought  to  deter  Cortes  from  proceed- 
ing thither.  Perceiving  his  efforts  to  be  fruitless, 
his  auditor  pleading  the  commands  of  his  own  so- 
vereign, to  the  contrary;  he  remarked,  that  in  that 
case,  they  should  meet  at  Court;  and  graciously 
took  his  leave,  but  delegated  some  of  the  nobles 
who  attended  him,  to  escort  Cortes  on  his  journey. 

XX.  The  city  of  Cuitlahuac,  to  which  they  next 
proceeded,  though  small,  appeared  the  most  beau- 
tiful which  the  Spaniards  had  yet  seen. ,  It  w^as 
founded  on  a  small  island  in  the  lake  of  Chalco, 
and  communicated  with  the  main  land  by  two 
causeways,  one  from  the  south,  of  two  miles  in 
length,  and  the  other  from  t!ie  north  of  somewhat 
.greater  longitude.     The  chief  magistrate   of  this 

cit}^,  also,  complained,  in  secret,  to  Cortes,  of  the 
tyranny  of  the  king  of  Mexico,  joined  himself  to 
the  confederacy  against  him,  and  betrayed  the  con- 
sternation into  which  the  oracles  of  the  gods,  the 
phenomena  in  the  heavens  and  the  success  of  the 
Spanish  arms  had  thrown  Montezuma. 

XXI.  On  the  road  to  Iztapalapan,  Cortes  was 
much  gratified  by  the  visit  of  Ixlilxochitl,  the  in- 
surgent prince  of  Acolhuacan,   who  having  been 


108  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  III. 

reconciled  to  his  brother  Coanacotzin,  apyfbared 
with  him  in  the  Spanish  camp  and  invited  tlie  Ge- 
neral to  Tezcuco,  ^vhitller,  in  order  to  improve  the 
advantages  which  might  probably  result  from  the 
friendship  of  these  princes  he  promptly  repaired. 
Ixlilxochitl,  here,  explained  to  him  more  at  length 
his  pretensions  to  the  throne,  and  his  causes  of  com- 
plaint against  his  brother  Cacamatzin  and  the  king 
of  Mexico.  Cortes  promised  to  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  the  crown  as  soon  as  lie  had  finished  his 
negotiations  at  Mexico,  and,  without  delaying  at 
Tezcuco,  marched  onwards  to  Iztapalapan. 

XXII.  Iztapalapan  was  a  large  and  beautiful 
city,  near  the  point  of  the  small  peninsula,  between 
the  lakes  of  Chalco  on  the  south,  and  Tezcuco  on 
the  north,  from  which  a  road  of  seven  miles  in 
length,  over  the  lake,  led  to  the  island  of  Mexico. 
It  contained  at  this  period,  more  than  twelve  thou- 
sand houses,  upon  the  peninsula  and  several  con- 
tiguous islands.  The  city  was  governed  by  Cuit- 
lahuatzin,  brother  of  Montezuma  and  his  immedi- 
ate successor  to  the  crown  of  Mexico,  who  with 
another  brother,  Matlatzincatzin,  Governor  of  the 
city  of  Cojohuacan,  received  Cortes,  widi  great 
ceremony  and  magnificence.  We  give  a  further 
description  of  this  pleasant  city  in  the  words  of 
Bernal  Diaz.  "They,  (the  princes,)  conducted 
us  to  our  lodgings  there,  in  palaces  magnificently 
built  of  stone,  and  the  timber  of  which  was  cedar, 
with  spacious  courts  and  apartments  furnislied  with 
canopies  of  finest  cotton.  After  having  contem- 
plated these  noble  edifices  we  walked  through  the 
gardens  which  were  admirable  to  behold,  from  the 
variety  of  beautiful  and  aromatic  plants,  and  the 
numerous  alleys  filled  with  fruit  trees,  roses,  and 
various  flowers.  There  was  also  a  lake  of  the 
clearest  water  which  communicated  with  the  grand 
lake  of  Mexico  by  a  channel  cut  for  the  purpose* 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  109 

capable  of  admitting  the  largest  canoes.  The 
whole  was  ornamented  with  works  of  art,  painted 
and  admirably  plastered  and  whitened,  and  it  was 
rendered  more  deliglitful  by  numbers  of  beautiful 
birds.  When  I  beheld  the  scenes  that  were  around 
me,  I  thought  within  myself,  that  this  was  the  gar- 
den of  the  world !  This  place,  was  at  the  time  of 
which  I  am  speaking,  with  one  half  the  houses  in 
the  water  and  the  other  half  on  dry  landj  but  all 
is  destroyed;  and  that  which  was  a  lake,  is  now  a 
tract  of  fields  of  Indian  corn,  and  so  entirely  al- 
tered that  the  natives  themselves  could  hardly  know 
it."* 

XXIII.  On  the  next  day  the  Spaniards  marched 
by  the  road  of  Iztapalapan,  which  was  intersected 
by  small  canals  over  which  they  passed  by  conve- 
nient drawbridges.!  After  having  passed  in  view  of 
Mexicaltzinco,  Colhuacan,  Huitzilopocho,  Cojohu- 
acan  and  Miscoac,  cities,  all  situated  on  the  shores 
of  the  lake,  they  arrived  at  a  place  called  Xoloc, 
where  the  causeway  of  Iztapalapan  united  with 
that  of  Cojohuacan.  In  the  angle,  which  is  not 
more  than  half  a  league  distant  from  the  capital, 
stood  a  bastion  with  two  small  towers,  surrounded 
by  a  wall  more  than  ten  feet  high,  with  battlements, 
two  entrances,  and  a  drawbridge. — A  place  most 
memorable  in  the  history  of  Mexico,  from  having 
been  the  camp  of  the  Spanish  General,  during  the 
siege  of  the  city.  Here,  the  army  halted  to  re- 
ceive the  compliments  of  more  than  a  thousand 
Mexican  nobles,  uniformly  dressed,  who  in  passing 
the  Spanish  General  saluted  him  in  the  usual  mode, 
by  touching  the  earth  and  kissing  the  hand.  The 
march  of  the  Spaniards  was  beset  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  people.     The  dyke,  the  shore,  the 


*  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  7. 
t  This  causeway  was  eight  yards  wide. 
11 


110  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  III. 

lake  itself,  was  covered  with  people,  all  anxioj^s  to 
catch  a  glimpse  of  the  Teides,  or  divinities,  who 
had  so  strangely  descended  upon  them.  But  the 
reflections  of  the  Spaniards  upon  this  occasion  were 
not  of  the  most  pleasing  character.  They  called 
to  mind  the  attempts  already  made,  and  which 
were  ascribed  to  Montezuma,  for  their  destruction, 
and  the  predictions  of  their  allies,  that  they  were 
inarching  to  Mexico  as  victims  for  sacrifice;  and 
they  could  not  but  perceive,  that  the  destruction  of 
the  bridges  behind  them  would  effectually  cut  off 
their  retreat  and  leave  them  isolated  on  a  narrow 
dyke,  exposed  to  all  the  machinations  of  their  ene- 
mies. In  this  situation  we  can  readily  pardon  the 
vanity  of  Diaz  when  he  exclaims,  "  And  now,  let 
who  can,  tell  me,  where  are  men  in  this  world  to 
be  found,  except  ourselves,  who  would  have  hazar- 
ded such  an  attempt?" 

XXIV.  From  the  point  of  Xoloc,  the  army  re- 
sumed its  march  after  the  delay  of  an  hour,  preser- 
ving the  strictest  order  of  battle.  A  short  distance 
from  the  city  Cortes  was  informed  of  tlie  approach 
of  Montezuma  himself,  and  soon  after  his  harbin- 
gers came  in  sight.  There  appeared  first  two  hun- 
dred persons  in  a  uniform  dress,  with  large  plumes 
of  feathers,  alike  in  fashion,  marching  two  and  two, 
in  deep  silence,  barefooted,  with  their  eyes  fixed 
on  the  ground.  These  were  followed  by  a  compa- 
ny of  higher  rank,  in  their  most  showy  apparel,  in 
the  midst  of  whom  was  Montezuma,  on  a  chair  or 
litter,  covered  witli  plates  of  gold,  and  borne  on 
the  shoulders  of  his  principal  nobles,  whilst  others 
carried  a  canopy  of  curious  workmanship,  which 
defended  him  from  the  sun.  The  monarcli  wore, 
suspended  from  his  shoulders,  a  mantle  adorned 
with  jewels  of  gold  and  precious  stones;  on  his 
head  a  light  crown  of  the  same  materials,  and  on 
his  feet  shoes  of  gold,  tied  with  strings  of  leather, 


CH.  III.  MEXICO.  Ill 

studded  with  gold  and  gems.  Immediately  prece- 
ding him,  marched  three  officers  with  rods  of  gold 
in  their  hands,  which  they  raised  on  liigh,  at  inter- 
vals, and  at  that  signal  all  the  people  bowed  their 
heads  and  hid  their  faces  as  unworthy  to  look  on  so 
great  a  prince.  When  he  drew  near,  Cortes  dis- 
mounted, advancing  towards  him  with  officious 
haste,  and  in  a  respectful  posture.  At  the  same 
time  Montezuma  alighted  from  his  palanquin,  and 
supported  by  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  and  the  Gover- 
nor of  Iztapalapan,  approached  with  a  slow  and 
stately  pace,  his  attendants  covering  the  way  with 
cotton  carpets,  that  he  might  not  touch  the  ground. 
The  principal  parties  saluted  each  other  with  pro- 
found reverence,  each  after  the  fashion  of  his  coun- 
try. This  expression  of  veneration  from  inferiors 
towards  those  who  were  above  them  in  rank,  ap- 
peared such  amazing  condescension  in  a  proud  mo- 
narch, who  scarcely  deigned  to  consider  the  rest  of 
mankind  of  the  same  species  as  himself,  that  his 
subjects  were  more  firmly  comanced  that  the  per- 
sons before  whom  he  thus  humbled  himself  were, 
indeed  Teides^  or  beings  of  a  superior  nature.  At 
this  interview,  little  else  passed  than  the  compli- 
ments of  salutation  and  the  interchange  of  presents, 
in  which  Cortes  received  for  strings  of  coloured 
glass,  some  necklaces  of  mother  of  pearl,  from 
which  hung  many  craw  fish,  very  artfully  wrought 
in  gold.  Montezuma  charged  prince  Cuitlahuatzin 
to  conduct  Cortes  to  his  dwelling,  and  retired  him- 
self with  tlie  king  of  Tezcuco  to  his  palace. 

XXV.  After  the  emperor  had  retired,  the  army 
pursued  the  road  of  Iztapalapan,  to  the  southern 
gate  of  the  great  temple,  and  thence  through  the 
city,  the  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  to  the  pa- 
lace destined  for  its  reception.  Here  Montezuma 
awaited  the  arrival  of  Cortes;  and  taking  him  by 
the  hand,  seated  him  on  a  sofa,  similar  in  form  to 


112  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.   III. 

a  moilein  altar,  covered  with  embroidery, •and 
placed  ill  a  hall  hung:  with  cotton  hangings  embroi- 
dered with  gold  and  gems;  and  having  in  all  re- 
spects provided  forthe  accommodation  of  his  guest, 
he  took  leave  of  him  with  the  most  courteous  po- 
liteness. *'You  are  now,"  said  he,  "Malintzin,* 
with  your  brothers  in  your  own  house;  refresh  your- 
self after  your  fatigue,  and  be  happy  until  my  re- 
turn."! The  quarters  allotted  to  the  Spaniards 
had  been  the  palace  of  Axajacatl,  the  father  of 
Montezuma.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  stone  wall 
with  towers,  at  proper  distances,  serving  for  defence 
as  well  as  ornament,  and  the  apartments  and  courts 
were  sufficiently  large  to  accommodate  the  Span- 
iards and  their  Indian  allies,  amounting,  servants 
and  women  inclusive,  to  several  thousands  in  num- 
ber. The  greatest  neatness  and  propriety  reigned 
throughout;  the  chambers  were  provided  with 
couches  and  pillows  of  rushes,  and  coverlets  of  fine 
cotton,  the  walls  were  tapestried  with  the  same  ma- 
terial of  various  colours,  and  the  fioors  carpetted 
with  mats.  The  first  care  of  the  General  was  to 
take  precautions  for  his  security;  plantins  his  ar- 
tillery so  as  to  command  the  avenues  which  led  to 
the  palace;  and  appointing  a  numerous  guard  with 
instructions  to  observe  the  like  vigilant  discipline 
as  if  in  sight  of  an  enemies  camp.  J 

*  By  this  name  Cortes  was  known  to  the  Mexicans.  It  was  a 
con'uption  of  the  woi'd  Maiina,  and  may  be  rendered  Marina's 
man. 

t  November  8th,  1519. 

4  Solis.  Diaz.  HeiTcra.  Clavigero.  Cortes.  Robertson. 


CH.   IV.  .  MEXICO.  113 


CHAPTER  IV. 

I  Description  of  the  city  of  Mexico ""\\,  Mon- 
tezumci's  second  visit  to  Cortes — His  munifi' 
cence — His  speech"*'lll.  Reply  of  Cortes  ""lY, 
Cortes  visits  the  King — ..Attempts  to  convert  him 
to  the  christian  faith"»-y.  Visits  the  city  and 
its  fortifications -""YI.  Apprehensions  of  Cortes 
— He  resolves  to  seize  the  ^/io-....VII.  Trial 
and  execution  of  Quauhpopoco  and  his  officers 
for  resisting  Esccdante — VIII.  Motives  of  Cor- 
tes^ severity — IX.  Insurrection  planned  by  Ca- 
camatzin — His  arrest — Cortes  builds  vessels  on 
the  lake""X.  He  requires  formal  submission  of 
the  3Iexican  monarch  and  nobles  to  the  Spanish 
crotcn'-"Xl.  Demands  tribute — Division  of 
the  treasure  acquired' "»Xll.  New  attempt  of 
the  Spaniards  to   introduce  the  christian  faith, 

•  •••XIII.  Tlie  Mexicans  combine  to  expel  the 
Spaniards — Tlie  King  requires  their  departure, 

•  •••XIV.  Cortes  is  informed  of  the  arrival  of  a 
fleet  on  the  coast — And  that  it  icas  sent  by    Ve- 

lasqueS'""XY,  Arrival  of  the  expedition  under 
Narvaez — His  agents  are  made  prisoners  and 
sent  to  Cortes ""XYl.  Extraordinary  difficulties 
and  resources  of  Cortes^ "XYW.  Narvaez 
marches  to  Chempoalla- '"XYlll.  Cortes  resolves 
to  attack  him—Leaves  Alvarado  in  command 
at  Mexico '"'X\X.  Battle  of  Chempoalla  and 
victory  over  Narvaez. 

I.  The  course  of  our  labours  has  already  given 
us  occasion  to  describe  most  of  the  remarkable  ob- 
jects in  the  city  of  Mexico.  We  shall,  consequent- 
ly, notice  here,  only,  such  matters  of  general  in- 
terest, as  have  not  before  required  our  particular 
i  1 ' 


114  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.    IV. 

attention^  a  knowledge  of  wliich  will  better  enable 
the  reader  to  understand  the  events  of  the  memo- 
rable siege  of  the  ill  fated  capital. 

The  citv  of  Mexico  was,  then,  situated,  on  a 
small  island,  in  the  lake  of  Tezcuco,  fifteen  miles 
west  from  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  and  four  east  from 
Tlacopan.  It  was  united  to  tlie  main  land  by  three 
ffi-eat  causeways  of  stone  and  eartli,  raised  in  the 
lake;  that  of  Iztapalapan,  on  the  south,  seven 
miles,  that  of  Tlacopan  on  the  west,  two  miles,  and 
that  of  Tepejacac  on  the  north,  three  miles  in 
length.*  Beside  these,  another  dyke  sustained 
the  aqueduct  of  Chalpotepec.  The  circumference 
of  the  city,  exclusive  of  the  suburbs,  measured  tea 
miles,  and  the  number  of  dwellings  has  been  va- 
riously estimated,  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand.!  It  was  divided  into  four  quar- 
ters; and  each  quarter  into  several  districts;  the 
Mexican  names  of  which,  are  preserved  among  the 
descendants  of  the  Indians.  The  dividing  lines  of 
the  quarters  were  the  four  roads  leading  from  the 
gates  of  the  greater  temple.  After  its  union  with 
the  city,  Tlatelolco  made  a  fifth  grand  division, 
lying  on  the  north-west.  Around  the  city  were 
many  dykes  and  reservoirs,  for  collecting  water 
when  necessary;  and  within  it,  so  many  canals, 
that  scarce  any  part  Mas  unapproachable  by  water. 
The  principal  streets  were  broad  and  straight, 
paved  and  free  from  water;  whilst  others  were 
mere  canals,  passable  by  boats  only,  and  bordered 
by  terraces;  sometimes  serving  as  quays,  at  others, 
for  small  gardens,  filled  with  n-uit  trees,  or  gay  and 
fragrant  flowers.  The  liouses,  except  those  of  tlie 
poor,  had  generally  balconies  with  parapets,  and 

•  This  account  of  the  cause\rays  is  from  Clavigero,  from 
which  Dr.  Robertson  has  corrected  the  erroneous  description 
given  in  the  first  editions  of  his  work. 

t  See  Vol.  m.  page  81. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  115 

some,  battlements  and  towers  which  gave  to  them  a 
defensive  character,  similar  to  that  of  the  temples. 
Besides  the  market  of  Tlatelolco,  already  descri- 
bed,* there  were  smaller  ones  distributed  through- 
out the  city;  and  public  gardens  ornamented  with 
lakes  and'fountains  added  much  to  its  health  and 
beauty.  The  many  and  great  buildings  neatly 
whitened  and  polished,  the  lofty  towers  of  the  tem- 
ples rising  in  various  quarters,  the  sdver  lake  and 
canals,  the  verdant  groves  and  gardens,  when  seen 
from  the  upper  area  of  the  greater  temple,  formed 
a  scene  so  lovely,  that  the  Spaniards  were  never 
weary  of  gazing  upon  it. 

II.  Montezuma,  whose  hospitality  and  curiosity 
alike  led  him  to  observe  his  guests,  paid  them,  on 
the  evening  of  their  arrival,  another  visit,  with  less 
state  than  in  the  morning,  yet,  accompanied  by 
many  of  his  nobles.  His  munificence,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  truly  royal,  was  conspicuous  on 
this  occasion.  Upon  his  entrance  he  presented  the 
Spanish  General,  with  many  curious  pieces  of 
wroudit  gold,  silver  and  feathers,  and  more  than 
five  thousand  very  fine  dresses  of  fine  cotton;  and 
after  his  departure,  having  informed  himself  of 
the  rank  and  condition  of  his  companions,  he 
sent  to  each  officer,  some  wrought  gold,  and  three 
bales  of  fine  feather  dresses,  and  to  each  private 
soldier,  two  bales  of  cotton  garments.  Having  sea- 
ted himself  and  placed  Cortes  by  his  side,  the  mo- 
narch interrupted  the  grateful  acknowledgments  of 
the  latter,  by  a  speech,  which  if  authentically  re- 
ported, bears  evidence  at  once,  of  the  intellectual 
cultivation,  policy  and  courtesy  his  nation  had  at- 
tained. 

"  Before  you  deliver  to  me,  illustrious  captain, 
and  valiant  strangers,  the  embassy  witli  which  you 

*  Vol.  in.  page  330. 


116  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

are  charged,  it  is  proper  tliat  we  should  re^jiove 
from  our  minds  tlie  false  impressions  which  vagrant 
rumour  commonly  preceding  trutli,  and  always 
obscuring  her,  may  have  made.  I  have  been  re- 
presented to  you  as  one  of  the  immortal  gods,  whose 
nature  and  whose  power  extended  to  the  heavens. 
My  wealth  has  been  grossly  exaggerated,  until  the 
walls  and  roofs  of  my  palaces  have  been  converted 
into  gold.  I  have  been  denounced  to  you  as  a 
haughty  and  cruel  tyrant,  unjust,  and  impious. 
But  neither  of  these  representations  are  true.  This 
frail  flesh,  (raising  the  skin  of  his  arm,)  betrays  my 
mortality  nothwithstanding  the  nobleness  of  my 
birth  and  the  elevation  of  my  rank.  My  riches  are 
great,  but  as  you  perceive  my  palaces  are  not  of 
gold.  The  complaints  you  have  lieard  of  my  in- 
justice are  the  false  accusations  of  my  enemies  or 
rebellious  subjects,  who  term  the  lawful  exercise  of 
the  supreme  authority,  tyranny^  and  call  that  cruel, 
which  is  but  the  wholesome  rigour  of  justice." 

"  The  reports,  respecting  yourselves,  have  not 
been  less  wild  and  delusive.  You  have  been  de- 
picted to  us,  as  terrible  divinities, mounted  on  beasts 
of  tremendous  size  and  fierceness,  who  wielded 
the  lightning,  and  ruled  the  elements — as  monsters, 
cast  up  by  the  sea, — as  men,  tormented  by  an  in- 
satiable thirst  of  gold,  for  tlie  gratification  of  wliich 
you  have  deserted  your  own  country;  addicted  to 
sensuality,  and  so  gluttonous,  that  each  consumed 
more  than  ten  of  our  people.  But  we  are  now 
disabused  of  these  errors.  We  perceive,  that 
though  diftering  from  us  in  complexion  and  beard, 
you  are  like  us  mortal, — that  the  beasts  which  obey 
you  are  only  stags  larger  than,  and  somewhat  diffe- 
rent in  shape  from,  ours — that,  the  pretended  thun- 
der and  lightning,  is  notliing  more  than  the  dis- 
charge from  shooting  tubes,*  which  though  more 
*  Ccrbottane,  see  vol.  iii.page  327. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  117 

ingenious  and  powerful  than  those  we  employ,  are 
like  them,  artificial.  We  have  also  learned,  that 
you  are  kind  and  generous;  these  qualities  are  in- 
compatible with  covetousness;  that  you  are  patient 
under  misfortune,  and  indisposed  to  severity,  unless 
your  anger  be  justly  provoked;  and  that  you  use 
your  dreadful  arms  only  in  personal  defence.*' 

''Dismissing  from  my  mind,  therefore,  all  false 
conceptions  in  your  regard,  I  accept  with  pleasure 
the  embassy  from  your  great  monarch;  I  rejoice  in 
his  friendship  and  voluntarily  submit  my  kingdom 
to  his  obedience;  since,  the  period  seems  to  have 
arrived,  foretold  by  our  ancestors,  when  certain 
men  from  the  east,  differing  from  us  in  habits  and 
customs,  should  arrive,  to  claim  possession  of  this 
country.  We  are  not  the  original  people  of  this 
land.  Nor  is  it  many  years  since  our  ancestors 
came  hither  from  the  regions  of  the  north;  and  we 
have  ruled  our  subjects,  but  as  the  viceroys  of  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  our  god  and  king." 

III.  The  reply  of  Cortes,  to  this  extraordinary 
speech,  was  in  all  respects  judicious;  and  had  his 
subsequent  conduct  been  equally  wise  and  mode- 
rate, according  to  some  historians,  he  might,  have 
reduced  this  wide  empire  to  the  dominion  of  his 
master  and  established  the  religion  of  the  cross, 
without  the  crimes  and  desolation,  which  are  now 
justly  ascribable  to  him.*  But,  he  had  already  no 
doubtful  testimony  of  the  hypocrisy  and  vacilla- 
tion of  the  king,  and  of  his  resolution  to  get  rid  of 
the  troublesome  invaders,  by  any  means;  and  we 
may  therefore,  safely  infer,  that,  the  sincerity,  was 
equal  on  either  part.  The  General  thanked  the 
monarcli,  for  the  singular  kindness  he  had  hitherto 
displayed,  and  for  the  favorable  opinion  he  now 
expressed  towards  the  Spaniards.     He  had  been 

•  See  Acosta,  book  vii.  chap,  25.  Clavigero,  book  ix. 


118  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

sent,  he  said,  by  the  greatest  monarch  of  the  East, 
who,  although,  he  might,  as  the  descendant  of 
Quetzalcoatl,  aspire  to  higher  authority,  was  con- 
tent to  form  an  alliance  of  perpetual  amity  with  his 
majesty  and  his  successors;  that  the  object  of  his 
embassy  was  not  to  take  from  any  one,  that  whicli 
he  possessed,  but,  to  announce  the  true  religion, 
and  certain  improvements  in  the  art  of  government 
which  would  render  his  subjects  happy,  for  which 
purpose,  he  would  avail  himself  of  some  future, 
and  more  convenient  opportunity. 

IV.  On  the  succeeding  day  Cortes  visited  the 
king  accompanied  by  the  Captains  Alvarado,  San- 
doval, Velasques  ancl  Ordaz,  and  several  soldiers. 
They  were  attended  to  the  regal  palace  by  the  ofl&- 
cers  of  ceremonies  and  an  immense  concourse  of 
people,  who  when  they  reached  the  outer  gate  of 
the  palace,  ranged  themselves  in  files,  on  either 
side  of  the  guests;  observing  that  it  was  unseemly 
to  enter  in  a  crowded  and  irregular  manner.  Ha- 
ving passed  through  three  courts,  and  some  halls, 
they  were  received  in  an  anti-chamber  by  several 
lords  in  waiting,  who  required  of  them  to  put  off 
their  shoes,  and  to  cover  their  splendid  uniforms 
with  coarser  garments.  When  they  entered  the 
hall  of  audience,  the  king  advanced  a  few  steps 
towards  Cortes,  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  bestow- 
ing a  look  of  kindness  upon  his  companions,  caused 
them  all  to  be  seated.  A  long  and  interesting  con- 
ference ensued,  Montezuma  asking  many  and  per- 
tinent questions  relative  to  the  government  and 
natural  productions  of  Spain;  from  which  Cortes 
artfully  led  the  discourse  to  his  religion.  He  en- 
deavoured to  explain  to  the  monarch,  the  unity  of 
God,  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  severity  of  the 
judgments  of  the  deity,  the  glory  with  which  he 
rewards  the  just,  and  the  eternal  punislmient  to 
which  he  dooms  tlie  wicked.     He  then  discanted 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  119 

on  the  rites  of  Christianity,  and  particularly,  on 
the  pure  and  unbloody  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  which 
he  contrasted  with  the  cruel  oft'erings  of  the  Mex- 
icans: declaiming  against  the  barbarity  of  the  ob- 
lation of  human  victims  and  making  food  of  their 
flesh.  Montezuma  replied,  that  he  had  received 
from  his  ancestors  an  account  of  the  creation  of  the 
world,  similar  to  that  now  communicated  to  him; 
that,  liis  embassadors  had  ah-eady  explained  to  him 
the  great  principles  of  tlie  Spanish  faith;  "I,"  he 
added,  "do  not  doubt  of  the  power  and  goodness 
of  the  God  whom  you  adore;  but  if  he  be  propi- 
tious to  Spain,  so  are  our  gods  to  Mexico.  Spare 
vourselves  therefore  the  trouble  of  endeavouring  to 
induce  me  to  abandon  their  worship.  With  regard 
to  our  sacrifices,  I  am  yet  to  learn,  that  we  merit 
condemnation  for  oflering  to  the  gods,  the  lives  of 
men  which  have  been  forfeited  by  their  own  crimes 
or  the  fate  of  war."  In  complaisance  to  the  Span- 
iards, seeing  their  great  repugnance  to  the  use  of 
human  flesh  as  food,  some  historians  assure  us,  that 
the  king  forbade  it  to  be  brought  again  to  his  table. 
Upon  the  departure  of  his  visitants,  he  made  them 
new  presents;  to  Cortes  and  the  oflicers  several 
pieces  of  wrought  gold,  and  to  each  soldier  a  neck- 
lace of  the  same  metal.* 

V.  From  motives  of  prudence  as  well  as  of  curi- 
osity, the  Spanish  General  was  desirous  to  explore 
the  city,  and  particularly  to  examine  its  fortifica- 
tions. He  demanded  permission  of  the  king  to  see 
the  royal  palaces,  the  principal  temples,  and  pub- 
lic squares;  which  was  instantly  granted.  W  hen 
Cortes  and  his  attendants  mounted  the  greater  tem- 
ple, the  king  was  there  awaiting  his  arrival,  that 
by  his  presence  he  might  preserve  his  gods  from 
violence.     The  request  of   Cortes  for  admission 

*  Bemal  Diaz.  Solis,  Clavigero. 


120  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

into  the  sanctuaries  was  granted,  after  a  consulta- 
tion ot"  the  priests.  Having  beheld  the  horrors 
whicli  surrounded  the  terrible  Huitzilopochtli  and 
the  subordinate  deities,  and  revolted  from  the 
stench  of  human  gore,  with  which  the  walls  were 
every  where  stained,  he,  could  not  refrain  from 
again  remonstrating  in  energetic  terms  against  the 
abominations  of  such  a  worship.  The  kmg  recei- 
ved his  remarks,  with  evident  displeasure  and  de- 
clared, had  he  supposed  the  General  would  have 
spoken  disrespectfully  of  his  gods^  he  would  not 
have  suftered  him  to  behold  them.  Cortes  apolo- 
gized, and  respectfully  took  his  leave.  "Go  in 
peace,*'  said  Montezuma,  ''but  I  must  remain  to 
appease  the  anger  of  our  divinities  whom  you  liave 
provoked  by  your  blasphemies,"  Though  grossly 
superstitious,  this  prince  Vv'as  not  intolerant.  He 
cheerfully  gave  permission  to  the  Spaniards  to  build 
within  their  quarters,  a  chapel,  for  their  worship, 
and  to  raise  in  the  principal  court  a  gigantic  cross^ 
whence,  Cortes  ardently  looked  forward  to  the  mo- 
ment, when  he  should  convert  tlie  very  sanctuary 
of  Huitzilopochtli  into  a  christian  temple. 

VI.  In  his  survey  of  the  city,  Cortes  saw  much 
reason  to  regret  the  rash  confidence  with  which  he 
had  entered  it.  He  perceived,  that  in  this  singu- 
larly situated  town,  the  destruction  of  the  bridges 
over  the  causeway  would  leave  him  exposed  to  a 
myriad  of  enemies,  against  whom,  even  at  this  mo- 
ment his  best  defence  consisted  in  the  favor  of  the 
prince  and  the  superstition  of  the  people.  The 
former  was  proverbially  precarious,  and  the  latter 
might  be  as  effectually  used  against  him  as  it  now 
operated  for  him.  Already  had  the  result  of  the 
battle  withEscalante,  impaired  the  influence  of  the 
Spaniards  with  the  Indians  around  Villa  Ricaj  and 
should  the  vulgar  cease  to  believe  them  immortal 
and  invincible,  their  fate  might  be  at  once  sealed 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  121 

bj  one  overwhelming  attack.  These  reflections 
induced  Cortes  to  seek  some  means  of  immediate 
safety,  and  his  audacious  spirit  guided  by  a  sound 
and  sure  judgment  settled  upon  a  plan,  which  to 
any  other  mind  would  have  seemed  desperate.  He 
resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  the  person  of 
Montezuma,  and  to  confine  him  in  the  Spanish 
quai'ters.  The  probabilities  of  this  bold  plan  had 
been  well  weighed.  Montezuma,  it  was  obvious, 
had  a  greater  love  of  life  than  of  empire; 
and  he,  who  had  power  to  deprive  him  of 
the  one,  might  confidently.,  direct  his  disposition  of 
the  other.  No  danger  was  to  be  apprehended  from 
a  sudden  indignation  of  the  people,  since  their  ha- 
bitual and  superstitious  reverence  for  the  monarch 
rendered  them  altogether  submissive  to  his  com- 
mands. 

Having  firmly  resolved  upon  the  measure,  he 
submitted  it  to  a  council  of  his  captains,  and  a  few 
of  his  most  approved  soldiers;  communicating  at 
the  same  time,  the  death  of  Escalante  and  his  con- 
viction that  tliis  event  already  known  to  the  In- 
dians, had  diminished  their  respect;  which  was 
obvious  from  the  decreased  quantity  of  food  sup- 
plied, and  the  reluctance  of  tlieir  service.  The 
timid  were  startled  by  the  proposition;  but,  the 
intelligent  and  resolute,  saw  at  once,  that  it  pre- 
sented the  only  prospect  of  safety,  and  they  cor- 
dially united  in  the  determination,  instantly,  to 
make  the  attempt.  At  his  usual  hour  of  visiting 
Montezuma,  Cortes  went  to  the  palace  accompa- 
nied by  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  Lugo,  Velasques  de 
Leon  and  Davila,  five  of  his  principal  officers,  and 
as  many  trusty  soldiers.  Thirty  chosen  men  fol- 
lowed, not  in  regular  order,  but  sauntering  at  some 
distance,  as  if  actuated  by  no  other  motive  than 
curiosity;  small  parties  were  posted  at  proper  in- 
tervals,' in  all  the  streets  leading  from  the  Spanish 
12 


122  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH,  lY. 

quarters  to  the  Court;  and  the  remainder  ©f  liia 
troops,  with  the  Tlascalan  allies,  were  under  arms 
ready  to  sally  forth  at  the  first  alarm.*  Cortes 
and  his  companions  were  admitted  without  sus- 
picion; the  Mexicans  retiring  as  usual  out  of  re- 
spect. The  king  received  them,  with  more  than 
his  wonted  kindness;  presented  one  of  his  daugh- 
ters to  the  General,  and  distinguished  females  of 
his  court  to  his  attendants.  The  former,  however, 
addressed  the  monarch  in  a  tone  very  different 
from  that  he  had  hitherto  used;  reproaching  him  as 
the  cause  of  the  assault- made  upon  the  Spaniards 
by  one  of  his  officers  and  demanding  public  repara- 
tion for  the  death  of  one  of  his  companions,  sup- 
pressing from  policy,  the  knowledge  he  possessed 
of  the  fate  of  Escalante  and  others.  Montezuma 
was  confounded  at  this  unexpected  accusation;  but 
earnestly  protested  his  own  innocence  and  proffer- 
ed to  surrender  Quauhpopoca  and  his  accomplices 
to  the  justice  of  the  Spaniards;  delivering  to  two 
of  his  courtiers  a  jewel  from  his  arm,  which 
was  the  substitute  for  a  seal,  and  evidence  of  his 
peremptory  command  for  their  arrest.  *  Cortes  re- 
plied, with  seeming  complaisance,  that  the  protes- 
tation left  no  doubt  on  his  own  mind;  but  that 
something  more  was  necessary  to  satisfy  his  follow- 
ers, who  would  never  be  convinced,  that  Montezu- 
ma did  not  harbour  hostile  intentions  against  them, 
unless  he  consented  to  take  up  his  residence  in  the 
Spanish  quarters,  where  he  should  be  served  and 
honoured,  as  in  his  present  palace.  At  this  extra- 
ordinary proposal,  the  astonislied  monarch,  beheld 
all  the  evils  he  had  dreaded,  about  to  fall  upon  him. 
Terror  and  indignation,  for  a  time,  rendered  him 
mute;  but  at  length  the  latter  prevailing,  he  ex- 
claimed,  "That  persons  of  his  rank  were  not  ac- 

•  RobertsoQ.  Solis.  Clavigero. 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  123 

customed,  voluntarily  to  surrender  themselves  pri- 
soners; and  were  he  degraded  enough  to  submit, 
his  subjects  would  not  suffer  such  an  affront,  to  be 
offered  to  their  sovereio;n."  Cortes  unwilling  to 
resort  to  force,  endeavoured  alternately  to  sooth 
and  intimidate  him.  The  altercation  became  warm; 
and  having  continued  for  along  time,  Velasquesde 
Leon,  equally  bold  and  impetuous,  cried  out  with 
impatience,  ''we  waste  time  in  vain!  seize  him 
instantly,  and  if  he  resist  stab  him  to  the  heart." 
The  threatening  voice  and  fierce  gesture  of  the 
truculent  soldier,  scared  the  timid  king,  and  he  ea- 
gerly demanded  of  Marina  what  the  furious  sranger 
said.  "I  Prince,*' she  replied,  "as  your  subject 
desire  your  happiness,  but  as  the  confident  of  these 
men,  know  their  secrets  and  their  character.  If 
you  condescend  to  do  what  they  require,  you  wuU 
be  treated  with  all  the  honour  due  to  your  royal 
person;  but,  if  you  persist  in  your  refusal,  your 
life  will  be  in  danger."  The  unhappy  prince  saw 
that  this  was  indeed  true;  and,  should  he  call  for 
his  guards,  tl\at,  he  would  inevitably  be  slain  be- 
fore they  could  reach  him.  He,  therefore,  in  great 
trepidation  and  agony  of  spirit  exclaimed,  *'  I  con- 
fide myself  to  you;  let  us  depart,  let  us  depart, 
since  it  is  the  will  of  the  gods.*'"^ 

His  equipage  being  prepared,  he  declared  to  his 
attendants,  that  reasons  of  state  required  he  should 
spend  some  days  with  the  strangers,  and  command- 
ed them  to  proclaim  his  resolution  throuo;hout  the 
city.  Astonished  and  afflicted,  his  officers  did  not 
presume  to  question  the  will  of  their  master;  but 
bathed  in  tears,  they  bore  him  in  silent  pomp  to  his 
prison.  AVhen  the  people  beheld  their  emperor, 
thus,  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards,   who  under 

*  B.  Diaz  says,  that  he  offered  to  Cortes,  his  legitimate  son 
and  two  daughters,  as  hostages  of  his  faith,  but  that  they  werQ 
rejected  by  Cortes. 


124  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

• 

pretence  of  respect,  marched  close  around  his  lit- 
ter, they  broke  forth  into  transports  of  grief  and 
rage,  threatening  his  captors  with  immediate  de- 
struction. But,  when  Montezuma,  with  a  cheer- 
ful countenance  waved  his  hand,  the  tumult  was 
hushed,  and  upon  his  declaration,  that,  he  went 
voluntarily  to  reside  a  short  space  of  time  with  his 
new  friends,  llie  multitude  accustomed  to  revere 
the  slightest  intimation  of  their  sovereign's  pleasure, 
quietly  retired. 

Thus,  was  a  powerful  prince  seized  by  a  few 
strangers,  in  the  midst  of  his  capital,  at  noon-day, 
and  carried  off  as  a  prisoner,  without  opposition  or 
bloodshed.*  History  contains  no  parallel  to  this 
event,  either  with  respect  to  the  temerity  of  the  at- 
tempt, or  the  success  of  its  execution.  And  were 
not  all  its  circumstances  authenticated,  by  unques- 
tionable evidence,  they  would  appear  so  wild  and 
extravagant,  as  to  surpass  the  probability  which 
should  be  preserved  even  in  fictitious  narration.! 

Montezuma  was  received  in  the  Spanish  quarters 
with  all  the  respect  due  to  his  rank.  He  was  at- 
tended by  his  own  domestics,  and  served  with  his 
usual  state.  His  principal  officers  had  free  access 
to  him,  and  he  carried  on  his  government  as  if  at 
perfect  liberty.  And  whilst  the  Spanish  soldiers 
were  commanded  to  guard  him  with  dilii^ence,  every 
instance  of  disrespect  was  punished  with  great  se- 
verity. In  his  confinement,  the  king  sometimes 
amused  himself  by  games  of  address  with  Cortes 
and  Alvarado,  in  v/hich  he  was  frequently  a  volun- 
tary loser,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of 
exercising  his  liberality.  On  one  occasion  he  thus 
gave  away  unwrought  ^old  weighing  one  hundred 
and  sixty  ounces.     This  prodigality  seemed  bound- 

*  Eight  days  after  the  entry  of  the  Spaniards  into  Mexico. 
t  B.Diaz.  Solis.  Clavigero.  Robertson. 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  125 

less.  The  Spaniards  had  observed  ia  their  quar- 
ters, a  suite  of  chambers,  the  entrance  of  which, 
had  recently  been  walled  up.  Upon  'opening  it 
they  discovered  it  to  be  the  depository  of  the  trea- 
sures of  the  father  of  Montezuma,  consisting  of 
religious  images,  and  many  ^vorks  of  gold,  gems, 
cotton  and  featliers.  Cortes,  on  one  occasion  of 
the  king's  generosity,  informed  him,  that  some 
knavish  soldiers  had  stolen  from  these  chambers, 
several  pieces  of  gold,  which  he  would  imme- 
diately cause  them  to  restore.  '*  Provided,"  said 
the  king,  "  they  do  not  touch  the  images  of  the 
gods,  nor  the  utensils  destined  to  their  worship, 
they  may  take  what  else  they  please.-'  The  art- 
ful and  avaricious  Spaniard  thus  gained  possession 
of  this  considerable  treasure.* 

VII.  But,  to  be  plundered  by  his  host,  was  the 
least  of  the  captive's  humiliation.  Quauhpopoca, 
his  son,  and  fifteen  other  nobles^t  who  served  under 
him,  were  brought  prisoners  to  the  capital,  and  de- 
livered to  Cortes,  that  he  might  inquire  into  the 
nature  of  their  crime  and  determine  their  punish- 
ment. They  were  formally  tried  by  a  Spanish 
court  martial;  and  though  they  pleaded  the  com- 
mands of  their  lawful  sovereign  in  opposing  the  in- 
vaders of  their  country,  they  were  condemned  to 
be  burned  alive.  This  atrocious  sentence  was  im- 
mediately executed,  in  front  of  the  principal  pa- 
lace of  the  king;  and  the  fuel  of  the  pile  was  com- 
posed of  the  weapons  collected  in  the  royal  maga- 
zines for  the  public  defence,  A  vast  multitude, 
beheld  in  silent  astonishment,  this  sacrifice  of  a 
distinguished  and  patriotic  warrior,  for  a  noble  act 
of  duty,  and  the  destruction  of  the  arms,  which, 
the  nation  had  provided  for  avenging  public  wrongs. 


•  Clavigero. 

+  liobertson,  says  five,  Diaz  and  Clavigero  fifteen. 


126  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

The  Spaniards,  however,  were  not  satisfied»with 
taking  vengeance  on  the  instrument  of  the  alleged 
crime,  but  resolved,  that,  its  author  should  also 
participate  in  its  punishment.  Before  Quauhpopo- 
ca  was  led  forth,  Cortes  repaired  to  the  apartment 
of  Montezuma,  with  some  of  his  officers  and  a 
soldier  carrying  fetters.  Approaching  the  monarch, 
with  a  stern  countenance,  he  informed  him  of  the 
fate  to  which  his  agents  had  been  condemned^  and 
that  as  they  had  charged  him  with  being  the  cause, 
it  was  necessary  that  he,  also,  should  atone  for  his 
guilt.  Then  turning  away  abruptly  without  waiting 
reply,  he  commanded  the  soldiers  to  put  the  chains 
upon  his  legs.  The  orders  were  instantly  execu- 
ted. The  disconsolate  king,  trained  up  in  the 
belief  that  his  person  was  sacred  and  inviolable, 
and  considering  this  profanation  of  it  as  the  pre- 
lude of  immediate  death,  broke  out  into  loucl  la- 
mentations and  complaints.  His  attendants  speech- 
less with  horror,  fell  at  his  feet,  bathing  them  with 
their  tearsj  and  bearing  up  his  fetters  in  their  hands 
endeavoured  with  officious  tenderness  to  lighten 
their  pressure.  Nor  did  their  grief  and  desponden- 
cy abate,  until  Cortes  returned  from  the  execution, 
and  with  a  cheerful  countenance,  ordered  the 
shackles  to  be  removed.  As  Montezuma's  spirits  had 
sunk  with  unmanly  dejection,  so  they  now,  rose 
into  indecent  ioy;  and  with  an  unbecoming  transi- 
tion, he  passed,  at  once,  from  tlie  anguish  ot  despair 
to  transports  of  gratitude,  and  expressions  of  fond- 
ness towards  his  deliverer.* 

Historians  have  found  some  difficulty  in  reconci- 
ling these  presumptuous,  cruel  and  apparently  wan- 
ton acts,  with  other  parts  of  Cortes'  conduct,  and 
have  supposed  that  they  proceeded  from  the  intoxi- 
cation of  success.     But  we  think  we  behold  in 

*  Soils.  Bernal  Diaz.  Clavigero.  Robertson. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  127 

these,  as  in  his  other  daring  acts  the  same  motive 
principle.  He  had  dischiimed,  though  feebly,  the 
divinity,  whilst  he  asserted  tlie  superiority  of  his 
nature;  and  he  demanded  obedience  from  the  na- 
tions, as  a  right  not  less  due  to  that  superiority, 
than  to  his  character  of  representative  of  the  de- 
scendant of  Quetzalcoatl.  He  saw  Montezuma 
and  his  people,  oppressed  v.itli  gloomy  superstition 
and  dread,  recognise  this  right,  and  he  believed, 
that  a  magnanimous  disregard  of  consequences, 
and  a  stern  resolution  to  punish  with  the  utmost  se- 
verity, all  injuries  done  to  himself  and  his  follow- 
ers were  indispensable  to  maintain  the  opinions 
which  had  so  essentially  served  him.  Hence  the 
horrible  slaughter  at  Cholula,  and  the  temerarious 
seizure  of  the  person  of  INIontezuma;  in  which,  as 
well  as  in  the  late  acts,  Cortes  acted  upon  calcula- 
tion,— the  usual  calculation  of  a  hero;  calmly  mea- 
suring the  quantity  of  crime  necessary  to  produce 
a  given  eftect.  The  soundness  of  his  judgment 
was  obvious  in  the  results.  For,  although  he,  im- 
mediately after  this  outrage  to  the  monarch,  gave 
him  permission  to  go  abroad,  he  made  no  eftbrt  to 
free  himself  from  Spanish  thraldom.  During  the 
ensuing  six  months  that  Cortes  remained  in  Mexi- 
co, he  continued  in  the  Spanish  quarters  apparent- 
ly as  tranquil  as  if  his  residence  there  haa  been  of 
choice;  and  when  on  a  visit  to  the  temple,  or  on 
hunting  excursions  beyond  the  lake,  a  guard  of  a 
few  Spaniards  were  sufficient  to  assure  his  return. 
Thus  Cortes  had  attained  more  extensive  authority 
in  the  Mexican  empire,  than  he  would  have  ac- 
quired in  a  Ions  course  of  time  by  open  force. 
Adopting  the  policy,  so  much  boasted  in  modern 
times,  of  ruling  a  state  through  the  magistrates 
and  forms  of  government  already  established,  he 
exorcised  more  absolute  sway  in  the  name  of  ano- 
tl\cr  than  he  could  have  done  in  his  own. 


128  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

IX.  The  people  subjugated  by  the  same  super- 
stition, and  over- awed  by  the  commands  of  their 
emperor,  made  no  attempt  to  deliver  him  from  con- 
finement. But,  all  were  not  thus  servile.  Caca- 
matzin,  in  the  vigour  of  his  age,  entertained  senti- 
ments more  becoming  his  birth  and  his  station.  He 
reproached  his  uncle  with  his  submission  to  the  ar- 
rogant strangers,  and  endeavoured  to  arouse  him  to 
a  due  consideration  of  what  he  owed  to  the  empire 
and  to  himself,  and  to  make  an  effort  to  shake  off 
the  disgraceful  yoke.  Failing  to  excite  him  to 
honorable  action,  he  resolved  himself  to  take  up 
arms  in  defence  of  his  country,  his  religion  and  his 
throne.  Unfortunately  for  his  success,  he  was  un- 
popular in  his  own  kingdom  of  Acolhuacan,  and 
his  patriotism  was  viewed  with  distrust  by  the 
Mexicans.  Hence, Cortes,  when  apprised  of  tlie  de- 
signs of  the  prince,  found  means  through  the  agency 
of  Montezuma,  to  arrest  him  in  his  palace  of  Tez- 
cuco,  and  transport  him  a  prisoner  to  Mexico.  His 
crown  was  given  to  his  brother  Cuicuitscatzin  to 
the  exclusion  of  Coanacotzin  and  Ixtlixochitl,  the 
next  in  order  of  descent.  Soon  after,  the  Spanish 
General  also  got  into  his  power  the  king  of  Tlaco- 
pan  and  the  Governor  of  Iztapalapan  and  Cojohu- 
acan,  brothers  of  Montezuma,  two  sons  of  the  same 
monarch,  the  liigh  priest  of  Mexico  and  other  per- 
sons of  the  first  distinction.  But  these  were  not  his 
only  precautions  for  security.  It  was  necessary  to 
have  such  command  of  the  lake  as  to  insure  retreat, 
if  expelled  from  the  city,  and  the  bridges  or  cause- 
ways should  be  broken  up.  This  too,  he  was  ena- 
bled to  accomplish;  having  awakened  the  curiosity 
of  Montezuma  to  see  the  floating  palaces,  which 
flew  over  the  waters  without  the  use  of  oars. 
Whilst  timber  was  being  cut  down  and  prepared 
near  the  lake,  part  of  the  naval  stores  was  brought 
from  Vera  Cruz.     With  the  assistance  of  the  In- 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  129 

dians,  the  Spanish  carpenters  soon  completed  two 
brigantines,  which  aftoided  a  frivolous  amusement 
to  the  monarch  and  a  valuable  resource  to  the  Spa- 
nish commander. 

X.  Montezuma  had  already  made  informal  and 
vasue  acknowledgments  of  submission  to  the  catho- 
lic king:  But  Cortes  was  now  encouraged  to  de- 
mand an  open  and  ceremonious  expression  of  vas- 
salage by  which  Montezuma  should  declare  his 
crov\Ti  to  be  holden  of  him  as  his  superior,  and  his 
dominions  to  be  subject  to  annual  tribute.  "With 
tliis  requisition,  the  most  humiliating  that  could  be 
made  to  a  lofty  spirit,  the  obsequious  Montezuma 
complied.  He  convened  the  chief  men  of  his  em- 
pire, and  in  a  solemn  harangue  reminding  them  of 
tne  traditions  and  prophecies  relative  to  the  arrival 
of  a  people,  sprung  from  the  same  stock  as  them- 
selves, in  order  to  take  possession  of  tlie  supreme 
power,  he  declared  his  belief  that  the  Spaniards, 
were  this  promised  race;  that,  therefore,  he  recog- 
nised the  riglu  of  their  monarch  to  govern  the 
Mexican  empire;  that  he  would  lay  his  crown  at 
his  feet  and  obey  him  as  a  tributary.  The  bitter- 
ness of  this  avowal  was  apparent  in  the  tears  and 
sobs  which  accompanied  it.  It  was  received  by 
tlie  assembly,  with  mute  astonishment,  followed  by 
a  sullen  murmur  of  sorrow  and  indignation,  the 
usual  precursor  of  violence.  Cortes  foresaw  the 
coming  storm  and  seasonably  averted  it,  by  decla- 
ring, that  his  master  designed  not,  to  deprive  Mon- 
tezuma of  his  throne,  nor  to  make  any  innovation 
upon  tlie  laws  and  constitution  of  the  empire-  The 
act  of  submission  and  homage  was  executed  with 
all  the  formalities  the  Spaniards  chose  to  pre- 
scribe. 

XI.  The  immediate  consequence  of  this  act,  was 
a  demand  on  the  part  of  Cortes,  for  a  magnificent 
present  from  Montezuma  to  his  sovereign;  and  after 


130  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

• 
his  example,  his  subjects  brought  in  very  liberal 
contributions.  The  Spaniards  now  collected  all 
the  treasure  which  had  been  either  voluntarily  be- 
stowed upon  them  by  Montezuma,  or  had  been  ex- 
torted from  his  subjects;  and  having  melted  the 
gold  and  silver,  the  value  of  these,  exclusive  of 
jewels  and  ornaments  preserved  for  their  workman- 
ship,* amounted  to  six  hundred  thousand  pesos. 
The  soldiers  were  impatient  to  have  it  divided, 
One  fifth  was  set  apart  as  the  customary  due  of  the 
King;  another  fifth  to  Cortes  as  commander-in- 
chief;  and  from  the  balance  the  sums  supplied  by 
Velasques,  Cortes,  and  his  officers  for  fitting  out 
the  expedition  were  then  deducted.  The  remain- 
der was  divided  among  the  army,  including  the 
garrison  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  proportion  to  the  rank 
of  its  members.  After  so  many  defalcations,  the 
share  of  a  private  soldier  did  not  exceed  an  hun- 
dred pesos.  This  sum  was  so  far  below  their  ex- 
pectations, that  some  soldiers  rejected  it  with  scorn, 
and  others  murmured  so  loudly,  that  it  required  all 
the  address  and  no  small  portion  of  the  liberality  of 
Cortes  to  appease  them.  The  complaints  of  the 
army  were  not  wholly  destitute  of  foundation.  The 
quint  or  fifth  of  the  crown,  which  had  made  no  ad- 
vances, was  a  grievous  tax,  and  the  share  of  the 
General  was  enormously  disproportionate  to  that 
of  the  soldier; — and  some  of  Cortes'  favorites  had 
secretly  appropriated  to  their  own  use  several  orna- 
ments of  gold  of  great  value,  t 

The  total  sum  amassed  by  the  Spaniards,  bears 
little  proportion  to  the  ideas  that  might  be  formed, 
from  the  descriptions  given  by  historians,  of  the  an- 
cient splendour  of  Mexico,  or  the  production  of 

*  The  wrought  gold  thus  preserved  -was  valued  at  $100,000 
,,,t  Many  of  the  sohliers  also  ai)propriated  jewels  to  tlieir  own 
use.  Their  glittering  array  excited  tlie  envy,  and  overcame  tlie 
faith  of  tlie  army  of  Narvaez. 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  131 

its  mines  in  modern  times.  But  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  precious  metals  were  not  standards 
of  value  and  were  in  request  only  tor  the  fabrica- 
tion of  ornaments  and  trinkets,  consecrated  to  the 
gods,  or  worn  as  marks  of  distinction  by  princes 
or  eminent  chiefs.  The  art  of  working  the  mines, 
with  wliich  the  country  abounded,  was  unknown; 
and  the  gold  the  natives  possessed  had  been  collect- 
ed, as  in  Hayti,  by  searching  the  sands  of  the  ri- 
vers; and  even  this  simple  operation  according  to 
the  report  of  those  whom  Cortes  had  commissioned 
to  survey  the  richest  provinces,  was  very  unskil- 
fully performed.  Silver  being  rarely  found  pure, 
and  the  art  of  refining  it  being  little  understood, 
the  quantity  of  this  metal  was  still  less  considera- 
ble. Thus,  though  the  Spaniards  had  exerted  all 
their  power,  and  often  with  indecent  rapacity,  to 
gratify  their  predominant  passion:  and  though  Mon- 
tezuma had  exhausted  his  treasures,  in  hopes  of  sa- 
tiating their  thirst  for  gold,  the  product  of  both, 
which  probably  included  a  great  part  of  the  bullion 
in  the  empire,  did  not  exceed  the  value  above  men- 
tioned.* 

XII.  Hitherto  Cortes  had  owed  his  great  success 
to  his  judicious  use  of  the  Mexican  superstitions. 
Even  the  priests  who  could  not  but  tremble  at  the 
introduction  of  new  gods,  though  anxious  and 
watchful,  were  quiescent,  whilst  his  most  arrogant 
pretensions  did  not  run  counter  to  the  traditions 
they  had  taught  the  people,  nor  openly  oppose  the 
practices  of  their  religion.  But,  Cortes  and  his 
companions  were  scarce  less  bigotted  than  the 
Mexicans;  and  the  honours  of  martjTdom  were  in 
their  estimation,  only  second  to  those  of  conquest 

*  B.  Diaz.     Soils.    Clavigero.    Robertson. 

Diaz  relates  that  the  captains  had  chains  of  gold  made  for 
Aem  by  the  king's  workmen,  and  that  Cortes  had  a  service  of 
plate  from  the  same  aitizans. 


tSfi  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   IV. 

With  the  zeal  of  a  missionary,  Cortes  hati  fre- 
quently importuned  Montezuma  to  renounce  his 
false  gods  and  embrace  the  christian  faith.  But 
the  monarch  had  been  distinguished  for  his  piety 
from  youth,  and  his  regard  for  his  religion  as  his 
faith  in  its  truth,  was  ardent  and  sincere,  and  he 
rejected  with  unteisned  horror  every  proposition  to 
change  the  worship  of  the  nation.  Yet,  as  we 
have  already  observed,  he  was  not  intolerant;  but 
had  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  the  erection  of  a  chris- 
tian chapel,  and  in  the  baptism  and  conversion  of 
the  women  he  gave  to  tlie  Spaniards,  including  even 
his  own  daughfer.  Cortes  finding  his  efforts  inef- 
fectual to  shake  the  constancy  of  Montezuma,  be- 
came so  much  enraged  at  liis  obstinacy,  that  in  a 
transport  of  zeal,  he  led  out  liis  troops  to  throw 
down  the  idols  in  the  great  temple  by  force.  But 
the  priests  taking  arms  in  defence  of  their  altars, 
and  the  people  crowding  with  great  ardour  to  sup- 
port them,  his  prudence  induced  him  to  desist  from 
the  attempt,  after  dislodging  the  idols  from  one  of 
the  shrines  and  placing  in  their  stead  an  image  of 
tlie  Virgin  Mary.  "^ 

XIII.  From  that  moment,  the  Mexicans,  who 
had  permitted  the  imprisonment  of  their  sovereign, 
and  suftered  tlie  exactions  of  the  strangers  without 
a  struggle,  began  to  meditate  means  to  expel  or  de- 
stroy them.  The  priests  and  nobles  held  frequent 
consultations  witli  their  monarch  for  this  purpose. 
But  as  he  justly  dreaded  the  consequences  of  vio- 
lence both  to  himself  and  his  people,  he  resolved 
to  essay  gentle  means  to  effect  their  departure. 
Summoning  Cortes  to  his  presence,  he  observed, 
that,  now,  the  purposes  of  his  embassy  were  ac- 
complished, the  gods  had  declared  their  will  and 
his  subjects  tlieir  desire,  tliat  he  and  his  followers 

•  Cortes'  Lett  B.  Diaz,  llcrrera.  Gomarra.  Robertson. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  133 

should  immediately  depart  from  the  empire;  de- 
claring in  case  of  their  refusal  to  comply,  that  un- 
avoidable destruction  would  fall  upon  their  heads. 
The  tenor  of  this  unexpected  requisition,  and  the 
determined  tone  in  \vhich  it  was  uttered,  left  Cor- 
tes no  room  to  doubt,  that  it  was  the  result  of  a 
concert  between  the  king  and  his  subjects;  and 
that  seeming  compliance  might  be  indispensable  to 
his  safety.  He  replied  with  great  composure,  that 
he  had  already  began  to  prepare  for  returning  to 
his  own  country;  but  having  destroyed  the  vessels 
which  brought  liim,  some  time  was  requisite  for 
building  other  ships.  Workmen  were  immediately 
proftered  to  him  for  this  purpose,  and  some  Spanisli 
carpenters  w  ere  appointed  to  superintend  the  work. 
Cortes  flattered  himself,  however,  that  during  the 
interval  he  should  either  find  means  to  avert  the 
threatened  danger  or  receive  such  reinforcements 
as  Mould  enable  him  to  disregard  it. 

XIV.  Almost  nine  months  had  elapsed  since 
Portecarrero  and  ISIontejo,  had  sailed  with  his  des- 
patches for  Spain,  and  he  awaited  their  return  with 
anxious  impatience,  expecting  that  they  would  bring 
him  troops,  or  at  least  a  confirmation  of  his  autho- 
rity and  proceedings,  which  would  enable  him  to 
recruit  them  in  the  islands.  Without  this,  the  da- 
ring adventurer  who  had  attained  the  command  of 
an  empire,  was  in  danger  of  the  doom  of  a  traitor. 
His  agents  had  disobeyed  his  instructions;  Monte- 
jo,  taking  advantage  of  the  illness  of  his  com- 
panion, had  compelled  Alaminos,  the  pilot,  to  put 
into  a  port  in  Cuba,  under  pretence  of  getting  pro- 
visions from  his  estate  at  El  ISIaricn,  whence  he 
sent  advices  to  Yelasques.*  Had  this  circumstance 
been  known  to  Cortes,  his  anxiety  in  relation  to  the 
future  would  have  been  still  more  intense. 

"BemalDiaz,  Robertson. 
13 


134  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

Whilst  brooding  over  the  uncertainty  of  hist^on- 
ilition,  he  was  again  summoned  to  the  presence  of 
tlie  emperor;  who  gladly  informed  him,  that  it  was 
no  longer  necessary  to  build  vessels,  for  that  eigh- 
teen, similar  to  those  he  had  destroyed,  had  arrived 
at  the  port  of  Chalchiuhcuecan,  in  which  he  might 
embark  with  all  his  troops;  and  requested  that  he 
M'ould  hasten  his  departure,  as  that  had  become  es- 
sentially important  to  the  welfare  of  his  kingdom. 
It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  opinion  which  tiie  mo- 
narch seemed  sincerely  to  entertain  of  the  inten- 
tion of  Cortes  to  withdraw,  from  Mexico,  with  the 
demands  of  that  commander  and  the  compliances 
of  the  feeble  king.  Did  the  latter  suppose  that  his 
promises  of  fealty  and  tribute,  were  void  of  mean- 
ing.^ Or  were  the  relations  now  subsisting  between 
himself  and  the  Spaniards  misunderstood,  by  rea- 
son of  their  imperfect  mode  of  communication? 
The  latter,  we  incline  to  tliink  was  the  truth.  Cor- 
tes exulted  in  these  tidings,  fondly  believing  that 
his  messengers  were  returned  from  Spain:  but 
whilst  he  communicated  the  glad  news  to  his  com- 
panions, he  dissembled  his  joy  before  the  king;  ob- 
serving that  if  this  fleet  w^as  voyaging  towards 
Cuba,  he  should  depart,  but  otherwise  it  was  requi- 
site that  the  building  of  the  ships  should  proceed. 
The  pleasing  delusion  was  soon  dissipated.  A  cou- 
rier from  Sandoval,  whom  Cortes  had  appointed  to 
succeed  Escalantc  in  command  at  Vera  Cruz,  in- 
formed him,  tliat  the  ai'mament  was  fitted  out  by 
Velasques,  and  instead  of  bringing  the  aid  whicli 
they  expected,  threatened  them  l^-ith  immediate 
destruction.  Cortes  received  this  unexpected  blow 
in  the  presence  of  ISIontezuma,  without  change  of 
countenance,  nor  did  he  undeceive  his  companions, 
until  he  had  prepared  them  for  the  truth. 

To  the  course  which  Velasques  had  now  pursued, 
he  was  excited  by  every  jxission  wliich  can  agitate 


CH.  IV.  MEXICO.  133 

an  ambitious  mintl; — shame,  at  having  been  so 
grossly  overreached^  indignation,  at  being  betrayed 
by  the  man  in  whom  he  most  confided;  grief,  for 
having  wasted  liis  fortune  to  aggrandize  an  enemy; 
and  despair  of  recovering  so  fair  an  opportunity  of 
establishing  his  fame  and  extending  his  power.  Nor 
did  he  want  authority  for  his  attempt.  His  report 
of  Grijalva's  voyage  had  been  so  favorably  received 
by  the  Spanish  Court,  that  he  was  empowered  to 
prosecute  the  discovery,  and  appointed  Governor  of 
the  country  during  life,  with  more  extensive  privi- 
leges than  had  been  granted  to  any  adventurer, 
since  the  time  of  Columbus.  His  ardour  in  car- 
rying on  his  preparations,  was  in  proportion  to  liis 
excitement:  and  in  a  short  time  an  armament  was 
completed,  consisting  of  eighteen  ships,  having  on 
board  fourscore  horsemen,  eight  hundred  foot  sol- 
diers, of  whom  eighty  were  musqueteers  and  a 
hundred  and  twenty  cross-bowmen,  together  with 
a  train  of  twelve  pieces  of  cannon.  Not  even  the 
unfortunate  result  of  his  former  attempt  to  procure 
fame  by  deputy  could  overcome  the  sloth  of  Velas- 
ques?  he  vested  tlie  command  of  this  formidable 
body  ill  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  with  instructions  to 
seize  Cortes  and  his  principal  officers  and  send 
them  prisoners  to  Cuba,  and  then  to  complete  the 
discovery  and  conquest  of  the  country  in  his 
name.  * 

XV.  After  a  prosperous  voyage  Narvaez  landed 
his  array  near  St.  Juan  de  Ulua.*  Three  soldiers 
whom  Cortes  had  sent  to  search  for  mines  in  that 
district,  immediately  joined  him.  From  them,  he 
received  information  concerning  the  progress  and 
situation  of  their  leader,  but  as  they  were  more  re- 
gardful of  recommending  themselves,  than  of  ad- 
hering to  the  truth,  they  represented  the  state  of 

•  Solis.  Ilerrera.  Diaz.  Robertson.  April,  1520. 


136  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  IV. 

their  late  General  to  be  so  desperate,  and  the^is- 
aft'ection  of  his  followers  to  be  so  great,  that  the 
inflated  confidence  and  presumption  of  Narvaez 
led  him  into  fatal  security,  from  which  the  ill  suc- 
cess of  his  first  measure  did  not  arouse  him.  He 
commissioned  Guevara,  a  priest,  to  demand  the  sur- 
render of  Vera  Cruz,  who  made  the  requisition 
with  such  insolence,  that  Sandoval  seized  him  and 
his  attendants  and  sent  them  to  Mexico.* 

Cortes  received  them  as  friends,  and  condemn- 
ing the  severity  of  Sandoval,  set  them  immediately 
at  liberty.  By  this  clemency  seconded  by  caresses 
and  presents,  he  drew  from  them  all  the  informa- 
tion he  required,  relative  to  the  force  and  intentions 
of  Narvaez.  He  learned  that  tliis  commander  re- 
gardless of  the  interest  of  his  sovereign,  had  com- 
menced his  intercourse  with  the  natives,  by  repre- 
senting Cortes  and  his  followers,  as  fugitives  and 
outlaws,  guilty  of  rebellion  against  their  own  king, 
and  of  injustice  by  invading  the  Mexican  empire; 
and  had  declared  that  his  chief  object  in  visiting 
the  country,  was  to  punisli  the  Spaniards  who  had 
committed  these  crimes,  and  to  rescue  the  Mexi- 

*  B.  Diaz  fpvesan  amusing  account  of  this  ti'ansaction.  <<  Gue- 
vara insisting  on  executing  his  mission,  called  to  the  nolaiy  Ver- 
gara,  to  take  out  his  authority,  vhichhe  was  pivpai-ing  to  do, 
but  Sandoval  stopped  him  saying,  '  Look  you,  A'ergara,  your 
papers  are  nothing  to  me.  I  know  not,  a\  hclher  they  he  ti-ue  or 
false,  originals  or  copies;  hut  1  forhid  you  to  read  them  here. 
And  hy  heaven  if  you  attempt  it,  I  will  this  instant  give  you  a 
hundred  lashes.'  At  this  Guevara  cried  out,  '  A\'hy  do  you 
mind  these  traitors,  read  the  commission.'  Sandoval  then  call- 
ing him  a  lying  knave,  onlered  them  all  to  he  seized;  whereon 
a  numher  of  Indians  vho  were  employed  ahout  the  fortress  ha- 
ving been  prepared  for  the  purpose,  threw  mts  over  tlicm,  like 
so  many  damned  souls,  and  making  tliem  fast,  instantly  set  off 
with  them,  on  their  hacks,  for  "Mexico;  they  hardly  knowing, 
if  tliey  were  dead  or  alive;  or  if  it  was  not  all  enchantment, 
"when  they  travelled  in  such  a  manner  post  haste,  l)y  fresh  re- 
lays of  Indians,  Avhidi  were  in  waiting,  and  saw  the  large  and 
populous  towns  which  they  passed  tlirough,  witli  a  rapidity 
which  stupified  them." 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  137 

cans  from  oppression.  He  perceived,  also,  that 
these  unfavorable  misrepresentations  had  reached 
Montezuma,  and  with  them,  assurances  from  Nar- 
vaez  that  he  would  soon  free  the  monarch  from  the 
subjection  under  which  he  laboured.  That  prince 
readily  entered  into  a  secret  intercourse  with  the 
newly  arrived  General,  and  courted  him  as  one  su- 
perior in  dignity  and  power  to  those  whom  he  had 
hitherto  so  highly  revered?  and  tlie  inhabitants  of 
several  districts  adopting  the  same  views,  openly 
revolted  from  Cortes.* 

XVI.  The  difficulties  of  Cortes  were  of  a  most 
extraordinary  character,  which  served  only  to  dis- 
play his  still  more  extraordinary  ability.  To  await 
the  approach  of  Narvaez  in  Mexico,  seemed  inevi- 
table perdition,  for  while  the  Spaniards  pressed  him 
from  without,  the  inhabitants  would  ea^-erly  seize 
the  favorable  opportunity  to  avenge  their  manifold 
injuries:  If  he  should  abandon  the  capital,  set  the 
captive  monarch  at  liberty,  and  march  upon  the 
enemy  he  must  relinquish  "the  fruits  of  his  previous 
toils  and  victories,  which  could  not  be  recovered 
without  extraordinary  ejftorts  and  infinite  danger. 
Negotiation  with  Narvaez  was  hopeless,  as  well  on 
account  of  the  haughtiness  of  his  temper  as  the  na- 
ture of  his  instructions.  This  however,  for  the 
lustification  and  success  of  his  ulterior  measures, 
he  resolved  to  attempt. 

In  this  work  of  pacification,  he  employed  father 
Olmedo?  sending  before  him  Guevera  and  his  com- 
panions, with  instructions  to  attempt  the  fidelity  of 
the  officers.  Narvaez  scornfully  rejected  every 
oft'er  of  accommodation,  and  was  with  difficulty 
restrained  from  laying  violent  hands  upon  the  medi- 
ator. But  with  the  officers  his  jemissaries  had  grea- 

•  The  deserters  whom  Narvaez  had  received,  had  acquired 
sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Mexican  language  to  serve  as  inter* 
preters. 

13* 


138  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   IV. 

ter  success.  The  letters  from  Cortes  and  his  nfin- 
cipal  companions,  addressed  to  their  late  associates 
of  Cuba,  united  witli  the  presents  of  the  former 
and  the  wishes  honestly  entertained  for  the  preven- 
tion of  civil  war,  which  threatened  utterly  to  de- 
stroy the  Spanish  power  in  Mexico,  induced  them, 
generally,  to  declare  for  an  immediate  accommoda- 
tion. Narvaez  not  only  disregarded  their  advice, 
but  treated  some  of  the  officers  with  great  severity, 
and  publicly  proclaimed  in  the  most  contemptuous 
terms,Cortes  and  his  adherents,  rebels  and  enemies 
to  their  country.  Further  communion  between  the 
officers  of  the  two  armies  propagated  widely  the 
disaflection  which  had  sprung  up  in  that  of  Nar- 
vaez,  and  which  did  not  advance  tlie  more  slowly, 
that  the  same  Andres  de  Duerro  who  had  original- 
ly recommended  Cortes  to  the  favor  of  Velasques, 
was  now  in  authority  with  Narvaez,  and  received 
the  strongest  assurances  of  obtaining  wealth  and 
consideration  from  Cortes  pursuant  to  a  contract 
made  between  them  at  Cuba.*  In  a  word,  so 
effectually  were  Cortes'  means  of  corruption  em- 
ployed, that  the  principal  officers  of  the  new  army 
became  thoroughly  devoted  to  his  interests,  some 
inferior  ones  joined  his  standard  and  he  was 
promptly  apprized  of  every  resolution  and  move- 
ment in  the  enemy's  camp.  Narvaez  upon  disco- 
vering the  state  of  his  army,  was  irritated  almost 
to  madness;  he  set  a  price  upon  the  head  of  Cor- 
tes and  his  principal  adherents;!  and  arrested  and 
shipped  to  Cuba,  the  magistrate  Vasques  de  Aillon, 
who  had  been  sent  by  the  Jeronimite  Friars,  repre- 
senting the  king  in  America,  to  Cuba,  to  interpose 

*  Diaz  says,  that  by  this  agi'ecment  Cortes  -nas  to  divide 
equally  with  Duerro  and  De  Lares,  the  gold  he  should  acquire. 
That  tJie  latter  was  dead,  hut  that  Cortts  sent  to  Duerro,  at  this 
time,  two  Indians  ladcai  with  gold,  and  made  to  liim  the  most 
magnificent  promises. 

t  B.  Diaz.  Solis.  Clavigero.  Roheilson. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  139 

between  Vela=qucs  and  Cortes,  and  had  now  ac- 
companied the  expedition  for  the  like  purpose. 

XVII.  Narvaez  marched  from  the  place  of  his 
landing  to  Chempoalla,  where  he  was  favorably  re- 
ceived by  the  Cacique  as  the  friend  of  Cortes.  But 
the  Indian  was  much  surprised  and  disconcerted 
when  he  beheld  the  supposed  ally  seize  all  the  gold, 
the  robes  and  the  women,  which  Cortes  had  obtain- 
ed here  and  which  had  been  confided  to  his  care. 

XVIII.  Having  failed,  as  he  expected,  to  con- 
ciliate Narvaez,  Cortes  determined  immediately 
to  advance  upon  him,  and  try  the  fate  of  arms. 
He  left  Alvarado  in  command  of  an  hundred  and 
fifty  men  in  Mexico j  and  to  this  slender  garrison 
he  committed  a  great  city,  with  the  wealth  he  had 
amassed,  and  what  he  esteemed  of  still  greater 
consequence,  the  custody  of  the  imprisoned  mo- 
narch. He  endeavoured  to  conceal  from  Monte- 
zuma the  real  cause  of  his  march,  labouring  to  per- 
suade him  that  the  newly  arrived  strangers  were 
his  friends  and  fellow  subjects,  and  that  after  an 
interview  with  them,  they  would  together  return  to 
tlieir  own  country.  The  captive  prince,  unable  to 
comprehend  the  designs  of  the  Spaniards,  or  to  re- 
concile what  he  now  heard  with  the  declaration  of 
Narvaez,  and  fearfal  of  betraj'ing  any  distrust  of 
Cortes,  promised  to  remain  quietly  in  the  Spanish 
quarters  and  to  cultivate  the  friendship  with  Alva- 
rado  that  he  had  uniformly  maintained  with  him.* 

*  Heirera.  Robei'tson.  But  Bemal  Diaz  gives  a  different  ac- 
count of  this  interview  with  Montezuma.  He  says,  '•  that  Cor- 
tes having  waited  on  Montezuma  previous  to  our  mai'ch,  the 
king  offered  him  assistance  against  lus  more  numerous  foes;  but 
asked  an  explanation  of  the  charges  which  Xanaez  had  made 
against  Cortes  and  his  pai-ty.  The  General  i-epliedjthp.t  he  had 
refrained  lo  speak  to  ids  niajesty  on  tins  subject,  lest  he  should 
grieve  him;  tliat  it  was  ti-ue,  tliat  he  and  Narvaez  wei-e  subjects 
of  the  same  monarch,  but  utterly  false,  tliat  we  were  ti-aitors; 
the  king  of  Spain  he  said  ruled  many  countiies,  the  inhabitants 


140  HISTORY   OP   AMERICA.  CH.   IV. 

He  left  with  Alvarado  eif^htj-three  men,  mnd 
seven  horses,  taking  with  huu  one  hundred  and 
eighty  soldiers,  which  were  increased  by  tlie  addi- 
tion of  seventy  men  under  Sandoval.  Allowing, 
therefore,  for  a  small  garrison  at  Villa  Rica,  it 
would  seem  that  the  force  brought  by  Cortes  had 
been  reduced  one  half.  He  dreaded  most  the  su- 
periority of  his  enemy  in  cavalry,  and  against  this, 
he  made  able  provision.  Having  observed  that  the 
Indians  in  the  province  of  Chinantla  used  spears  of 
extraordinary  length  and  force,  he  armed  his  sol- 
diers with  this  weapon,  and  accustomed  them  by 
frequent  exercises  to  its  use.  During  his  marcli 
to  Chempoalla,  he  made  repeated  efforts  toward 
accommodation.  But  Narvaez  requiring  that  Cor- 
tes and  his  followers  should  recognise  him  as  Go- 
vernor of  New  Spain,  by  virtue  of  the  powers  de- 
rived from  Velasques,  and  Cortes  refusmg  to  sub- 
mit to  any  authority,  not  founded  on  a  commission 
from  the  emperor  himself,  under  whose  immediate 
protection  he  and  his  adherents  had  placed  their 

of  some  of  -which,  were  hraver  tlian  otliers;  that  -we  were  all 
natives  of  Old  Castile,  and  called  ti'ue  Castillians,  and  that  our 
opponents  were  commanded  by  a  liiscayaii:  tliat  his  threats  to 
destroy  us  were  little  to  be  regarded,  since  we  were  upheld  by 
our  Lord  Jesus  Chi'ist,  and  his  Blessed  ^Mother;  that  his  majes- 
ty would  soon  see  tlie  difference  between  tlicra  and  us,  as  he 
hoped  soon  to  bring  back  these  l)oasters  wiUi  him  as  prisonei'S. 
He  also  expressed  liishope  that  Montezuma  would  to  his  utmost, 
ejideavour  to  prevent  any  insurrection  in  tlie  city,  as  he  certain- 
ly would,  on  his  return,  make  those  who  beliaved  ill  clearly 
answer  for  it."  Solis,  says,  "tliat,  in  reply  to  questions 
relative  to  the  chsu\iion  between  subjects  of  tlie  same  prince, 
Cortes  informed  INIontezuma  that  tliis  captain,  so  intem- 
perate ill  his  language,  should  rather  be  considered  as  inconside- 
rate and  mistaken  in  zeal  than  disobedient  to  his  master.  ThAt 
he  visited  the  coast  under  tJie  authority  of  a  lieutenant  of  the 
king,  who  residing  in  a  distant  island  kjiew  not  tlie  recent  wish- 
es of  Uie  Court;  and  that  whatever  misunderstaniling  might  ex- 
ist, would  be  speedily  removed  by  an  intei'view,  for  which  pur- 
pose he  was  about  to  hasten  to  Chempoulla," — Solis.  vol.  ii. 
chap.  7. 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  141 

infant  colony,  these  attempts  proved  fruitless.  Nar- 
vaez  having  learned  that  Cortes  had  advanced  with- 
in a  league  of  Chempoalla  with  his  small  force, 
considered  this  an  insult  which  merited  chastise- 
ment, and  marched  out  with  all  his  troops  to  oft'er 
him  battle. 

XIX.  Cortes,  too  prudent  to  fight  such  an  ene- 
my, greatly  superior  in  numbers  and  equipment, 
upon  equal  ground,  preserved  his  position  upon  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river  Canoas,  where  he  was 
well  secured  against  attack.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  day  a  heavy  tropical  rain  came  on,  and  tlie  fol- 
lowers of  Xarvaez  unaccustomed  to  military  hard- 
ships, murmured  so  loudly  at  being  thus  fruitlessly 
exposed,  that  he,  moved  by  their  unsoldierly  impa- 
tience, and  his  own  contempt  for  his  adversary, 
permitted  them  to  retire  to  Chempoalla.  From  this 
circumstance  Cortes  conceived  the  hope  of  a  sudden 
victory.  His  hardy  veterans,  though  exposed 
without  any  shelter  to  the  peltings  of  the  storm,  he 
observed  were  still  fresh  for  service^  and  foreseeing 
that  the  enemy  would  give  himself  up  to  repose,  in 
the  belief  that  the  season  was  wholly  unfit  for  ac- 
tion, he  resolved,  to  fall  upon  them  in  the  dead  of 
night,  when  surprise  and  terror  w^ould  more  than 
compensate  for  tlie  inferiority  of  his  numbers.  His 
troops  unanimously  applauded  this  determination, 
and  he  had  more  difficulty  to  temper,  than  to  in- 
flame their  ardour.  He  di^-ided  them  into  three 
parties.  At  the  head  of  the  first,  Sandoval  was 
clmrged  to  seize  the  enemy-s  artillery,  which  was 
planted  before  the  |)rincipal  tower  of  the  temple, 
where  Narvaez  liad  hxed  his  head  quarters;  Chris- 
toval  de  Olid  commanded  the  second;  and  the 
third  a  body  of  reserve,  the  smallest  in  number, 
was  conducted  by  Cortes  himself,  to  support  the 
others  as  there  should  be  occasion.  Having  passed 
the  river,  which  was  so  much  swollen  that  the  wa- 


142  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   IV. 

ter  almost  reached  their  chins,  his  troops  advanced 
in  silence,  each  man  armed  \vith  liis  sword,  his 
dagger  and  Chinantlan  spear.  Narvaez,  liowever 
confident,  was  not  wholly  regardless  of  a  General's 
duty;  he  had  placed  two  sentinels  to  watch  the 
motions  of  the  enemy.  One  of  these  was  seized 
by  the  advance  guard,  the  other  made  his  escape, 
and  running  to  the  town,  gave  timely  notice  of  the 
approach  of  tlie  foe.  But  the  infatuated  and  arro- 
gant commander  imputed  this  alarm  to  the  cowardice 
of  ii\e  sentinel,  and  derided  the  idea  of  an  attack, 
which  the  shout  of  Cortes'  soldiers  soon  taught  him 
was  real.  The  rapidity  of  the  assault  was  such, 
that  only  one  cannon  was  fired,  before  Sandoval's 
party  closed  with  the  cannoneers,  and  drove  them 
from  their  guns,  which  they  turned  upon  the  tower. 
In  vain  did  Narvaez  strive  by  his  courage  to  re- 
deem the  consequences  of  his  imprudence.  His 
shouts  of  encouragement  to  his  friends  Mere  an- 
swered by  the  redoubled  efforts  of  his  foes;  whose 
compact  order  and  long  spears  bore  down  all  oppo- 
sition. They  had  already  reached  the  entrance  of 
the  tower  M'hen  a  soldier  having  set  fire  to  tlie 
reeds  with  which  it  was  covered,  compelled  Nar- 
vaez to  sally  forth.  He  was  immediately  wounded 
in  the  eye  with  a  spear,  dragged  down  the  steps 
and  secured  in  chains.  The  cry  of  victory  w  as 
raised  among  the  soldiers  of  Cortes,  and  a  panic 
terror  seized  their  foes.  The  troops  from  the  first 
tower  began  to  surrender,  and  those  stationed  in 
the  two  smaller  ones  were  thrown  into  confusion. 
In  the  darkness,  they  could  not  distinguish  friends 
from  foes — their  own  artillery  was  pointed  against 
them,  and  they  mistook  even  the  fire  flies  to  which 
they  were  accustomed,  for  the  matches  of  musque- 
teers,  advancinji  to  the  attack. — After  a  short  re- 
sistance the  soldiers  compelled  their  ofticers  to  ca- 
pitulate, and  before  morning  all  laid  down  their 


CH.  IVo  MEXICO.  143 

arms  and  submitted  to  the  conqueror.  The  loss 
Mas  inconsiderable  on  either  part;  that  of  Cortes 
being  only  two  soldiers  killed,  and  tliat  of  the  ad- 
verse faction  two  officers  and  fifteen  privates.* 
The  successful  and  politic  General  treated  the  van- 
fjuished  as  countrymen  and  friends,  and  proposed 
eitlier  to  send  them  back  to  Cuba  or  to  admit  them 
into  ins  army,  as  partners  in  his  fortune,  on  equal 
terms  with  his  own  soldiers.  The  latter  was  eagerly 
accepted  by  adventurers  who  sought  notliing  better 
than  to  overrun  a  rich  and  populous  country  under 
a  skilful  leader,  and  who  saw  in  Cortes,  and  the 
advantageous  position  he  held  in  Mexico,  all  that 
they  could  hope,  even  by  a  long  period  of  contest, 
to  obtain. 

Thus  by  a  series  of  events  in  which  good  fortune 
seconded  ability,  Cortes  not  only  escaped  perdi- 
tion which  seemed  inevitable,  but,  when  ne  had  the 
least  reason  to  expect  it,  obtained  a  thousand  Span- 
iards ready  to  follow  wlierever  he  should  lead.  It 
cannot  be  doubted  that  these  advantages  were  as 
much  the  result  of  his  intrigues  before,  as  his  cou- 
rage and  skill  in  the  battle;  and  that  the  ruin  of 
Narvaez  was  occasioned  not  less  by  the  treachery 
of  his  own  troops  than  the  valour  of  the  enemy. 

*  The  fleet  of  XaiTacz  followed  tlie  f:\te  of  his  army,  the 
ships  were  dismantled  and  tlie  command  given  to  Cavallero,  one 
of  the  capUiins,  who  was  appoiuteU  admiral. 


144  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 


CHAPTER  V. 

I.  Cortes  proposes  a  further  exploration  of  the 
country — Is  recalled  to  Mexico,  by  the  impru- 
dence of  Alvarado""\\.  Return  of  Cortes  to 
Mexico — Change  in  the  deportment  of  the  Mex- 
icans— His  haughty  conduct  to  Montezuma' *" 
III.  The  Spaniards  suffer  from  the  privation  of 
food'"»\Y.  Hostile  attacks  of  the  Mexicans^-' 
V.  Death  of  3Iontezuma — jflis  qualities •"-YI. 
Further  combats "»*YII.  The  Noche  Triste,  or 
night  retreat  of  Cortes  from  Mexico ""\\ll. 
Battle  of  Otompan-'"IX.  Friendly  reception  of 
the  Spaniards  in  Tlasccda- •  * -X.  Other  Spanish 
losses — Policy  of  Cortes "• 'XI,  Discontent  of 
the  soldiers  of  Narvaez""Xl\,  Excursion 
against  the  Tepcjacans  ""Xlll.  Excursion 
against  Quauhquechollan,  Iztoccan  and  Tochte- 
2)eC""Xiy.  Cortes  receives  supplies  from  Cuba 
and  Jamaica — His  strength'  •  •  •  XV.  Cuitlahuat- 
zin  raised  to  the  throne  of  Mexico — His  mea- 
sures for  defence"  "XYl.  Death  of  the  new 
Emperor  and  election  of  Quauhtimotzin"" 
XVII.  Cortes  advances  to  Tezcuco — Seats  Ix- 
lilcochitl  on  the  throne  of  that  kingdom'  •  ••XVIII. 
Cortes  subdues  the  cities  and  states  around  the 
lakcs' '  •  'XIX.  Transportation  of  the  brigantines. 
XX.  Cortes  makes  further  progress  around  the 
lake" "XXI.  He  receives  reinforcements  from 
Hispaniola — Launch  of  the  brigantines  upon 
the  lake""XX\\.  Conspiracy  against  Cortes-"' 
XXIII.  Cortes  surveys  his  forces — March  for 
Mexico — Execution  of  Xicotcncatl""XXiy. 
Destruction  of  the  aqueducts  of  Chalpot'epec — 
Trial  of  the  brigantines ""XXV.  Commence- 
ment of  the  siege  of  3Iexic0""XXyi.   Cortes 


CH.   V.  MEXICO.  145 

changes  Ji'is  mode  of  attack' ^"XXWl,  Hie 
Spaniards  make  a  permanent  lodgement  within 
the  city — Quauhtimotzin  taken  prisoner**" 
XXVIIl.    Surroider  of  the  city. 

I.  At  the  head  of  a  force  so  respectable,  compri- 
sing nearly  one  hundred  horsemen  with  abundant 
supply  of  the  munitions  of  war,  the  enterprising 
and  comprehensive  mind  of  Cortes  prepared  to 
make  a  further  exploration  of  the  country.  He 
had  already  detailed  parties  for  this  purpose,  and 
instructed  his  officers  to  survey  the  coasts  of  the 
Mexican  gulph,  when  he  was  compelled  to  concen- 
trate his  troops,  by  unhappy  tidings  from  the  city 
of  Mexico. 

On  tl\e  approach  of  the  great  festival  of  Huitzil- 
opochtli,  which  was  holden  in  the  month  ToxcatI, 
commencing  this  year  on  the  13th  of  May,  Monte- 
zuma requested  permission  from  Alvarado  to  visit 
the  temple,  that  he  might  unite  with  the  priests,  the 
nobles,  and  the  people,  according  to  custom,  in  its 
celebration.  The  prudence  or  timidity  of  that 
officer,  rejected  the  application,*  and  the  king,  that 
he  might  participate  in  tlie  sacred  rite,  directed  the 
festival  to  be  holden  in  the  court  of  the  palace  oc- 
cupied by  the  Spaniards.  None  were  admitted 
save  those  of  the  higher  order  of  priests  and  the 
principal  nobles,  who  were  adorned  with  their 
richest  jewels.  During  the  long  dance  which 
formed  part  of  this  stated  religious  ceremony,  Al- 
varado, closed  the  gates  and  stationed  guards  at 
everv  avenue.  At  a  given  signal  the  remainder  ot 
the  Spanish  troops  rushed  with  irresistible  fury 
upon  the  unarmed,  the  astonished  and  wearied  mul- 
titude. The  slaughter  was  terrible,  from  which  a 
few  only  escaped,  who  succeeded  in  leaping  the 
walls.  AVhen  the  horrible  tragedy  was  completed, 
the  executioners  stripped  the  bodies  of  the  glitter- 
14 


146  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

ing  jewels,  which  probably  formed  the  chief  in- 
ducement to  the  act.*  To  justify  this  inhuman 
deed,  to  his  General,  Alvarado  alleged  that  he  had 
received  intelligence  from  two  of  the  nobles  and  a 
priest,  of  a  design  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  to 
attack  him.  This  may  possibly  have  been  true; 
and  the  dull  intellect  of  the  fierce  soldier  may  have 
been  incapable  of  discovering  any  other  mode  of 
averting  the  danger.  But,  if  the  defence  be  ad- 
mitted, we  must  also  admit  that  the  Mexicans  had, 
very  extraordinary  ideas  of  making  war,  when  they 
enclosed  themselves  unarmed,  in  the  very  den  of 
the  lion.  Bernal  Diaz,  exonerates  Montezuma 
from  all  hostile  designs,  and  expressly  declares, 
had  he  willed  it,  he  might  readily  have  destroyed 
at  this  period  the  whole  Spanish  force. t 

The  people,  driven  beyond  their  patience,  fierce- 
ly assaulted  the  Spanish  quarters,  broke  down  part 
of  the  outer  wall,  and  undermined  the  palace  in 
several  places;  and  though  repelled  by  the  fire  of 
the  artillery,  they  returned  to  the  attack  on  the 
succeeding  day,  and  having  slain  seven  of  the 
Spaniards,  would  have  destroyed  the  whole,  had 
not  Montezuma,  compelled  by  his  gaolers,  restrain- 
ed their  fury.    But  though  respect  for  their  monarch 

*  Robertson,  upon  Uie  authority  of  several  historians,  has 
laid  the  scene  of  tliis  infamous  deed  within  the  great  temple; 
Acosta  and  Clavigoro,  in  tlie  couil  of  the  residem-c  of  Cortes. 
The  latter,  from  all  circumstances,  seems  most  probable.  Go- 
mai'a  estimates  the  number  of  nobles  present  at  six  hundi*ed, 
others,  at  more  than  a  thousand.  Las  Casas,  whose  testimony 
on  such  occasions  must  be  received  with  much  allowance,  at 
more  than  two  thousand. 

t  The  testimony  of  honest  Diaz  is  the  more  entitled  to  credit, 
that  he  relates,  w  ithc»ut  sti'ong  marks  of  credulity,  a  circum- 
stance narrated  by  Alvarado  in  his  exculpation.  A  number  of 
Indians,  says  tlic  latter,  enragetl  althe  detention  of  Montezuma, 
and  the  erection  of  a  crucifix  in  the  temple,  had  by  the  order  of 
their  gods  attempted  to  pull  down  the  cross,  but  to  their  iiifinito 
astonisluncut  found,  that  all  their  strengtJU  was  uuablc  to  re- 
move it. 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  14T 

and  fears  for  his  safety,  diverted  the  assault  from 
the  Spanish  quarters,  the  people  did  not  desist  from 
hostilities.  They  burned  the  brigantines  on  the 
lake,  and  blockacied  their  foes  in  the  palace,  draw- 
ing a  ditch  around  it,  with  the  resolution  to  destroy 
them  by  famine. 

II.  The  garrison  of  Mexico  was  in  this  critical 
situation  when  Cortes  received  two  messages,  by 
the  faithful  Thiscalans,  urging  earnestly  his  imme- 
diate return  to  Mexico.  To  him  the  danger  seem- 
ed so  imminent  as  to  admit  neither  deliberation  nor 
delay.  He  hastened,  therefore,  with  all  his  forces 
from  Chempoalla,  with  no  less  rapidity  than  he  had 
advanced  thither.  At  Tlascala  his  army  was  aug- 
mented by  two  thousand  selected  warriors.  But 
on  entering  the  Mexican  territories,  he  discovered 
that  disaftection  to  his  interests  was  every  where 
prevalent  The  principal  inhabitants  had  deserted 
the  towns  through  which  he  passed,  and  no  provi- 
sion was  made  for  the  subsistence  of  his  troops. 
The  roads,  which  on  his  former  march  were  crowd- 
ed by  anxious  and  curious  multitudes,  were  now 
silent  and  solitary;  the  people  avoiding  with  horror 
all  intercourse  with  him.  Had  the  Mexicans  pos- 
sessed a  very  small  portion  of  tlie  martial  science 
of  tlieir  enemies,  they  might  easily  have  accom- 
plished their  destruction.  Had  they  suffered  the 
advancing  army  to  enter  on  the  causeway  of  Iz- 
tapalapan,  and  broken  up  the  road  and  removed 
the  bridges  in  their  front  and  rear,  the  whole  must 
have  fallen  a  prey  to  famine.  But  they,  ignorant- 
ly,  again  suffered  Cortes  to  march  into  the  city 
without  molestiition  and  quietly  to  take  possession 
of  his  former  quarters.* 

Pursuing  the  principles  which  had  hitherto  go- 
verned his  conduct,  his  demeanour  towards  Monte- 

*  Bernai  Diaz.  Soils.  Robertson.  Clavigero. 


148  niSTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   V. 

zuma,  was  marked  with  haughtiness  and  disresjlfect 
He  not  only  neglected  to  visit  the  monarch,  but, 
barbed  the  insult  with  expressions  of  contempt  for 
him  and  his  people.*  Some  Mexicans,  who  had 
acquired  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Spanish  lan- 
guage to  comprehend  the  contemptuous  words,  re- 
ported them  to  their  countrymen,  who,  now  satis- 
fied that  the  intentions  of  the  General  were  alike 
cruel  with  those  of  his  lieutenant,  resolved  to  re- 
new the  w^ar  with  the  utmost  fury.  Cortes,  how- 
ever, who  w^as  justly  irritated  at  the  wanton  and 
unseasonable  cruelty  of  Alvarado,  severely  cen- 
sured that  officer,  and  was  restrained,  only  by  the 
consideration  that  he  should  need  the  services  of  a 
brave  leader,  from  inflicting  upon  him  condign  pun- 
ishment. 

III.  The  force  of  Cortes  within  the  walls  of  the 
city,  amounted,  auxiliaries  included,  to  nine  thou- 
sand men;  a  part  of  v.hom  were  quartered  in  the 
enclosure  of  the  great  temple.  For  this  multitude 
he  found  great  difficulty  to  obtain  provisions;  the 
Mexican  husbandmen,  from  hatred  to  the  Spaniards, 
refusing  to  attend  the  markets.  Cortes  command- 
ed Montezuma  with  stern  threats  to  cause  his  sub- 
jects to  bring  to  the  city  the  customary  supplies; 
and  w^hen  the  king  urged  the  impossibility  of  exe- 
cuting this  order  whilst  not  only  he,  but  the  chief 
officers  of  the  crown  were  helpless  prisoners,  he 
liberated  Cuitlahuatzin,  the  king's  brother,  to  that 
end;  who  instead  of  tamely  feeding,  souglit  eftec- 
tively  to  destroy,  the  oppressors  of  his  country. 

IV.  On  the  day  succeeding  that,  on  which  Cor- 
tes re-entered  Mexico,t  one  of  his  soldiers,  whilst 

*  Observing,  on  the  remonstrance  of  his  officers  who  liad 
kindly  feelings  towards  the  king,  "  Out  on  the  dog!  why  does 
he  neglect  to  supply  us  with  provisions."  "  What  owe  I  to  the 
dog  who  treated  secretly  with  Narvaez,  and  suffei's  us  now  to 
peri  si  I  of  want?" 

t  June  25,  IS^O. 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  149 

executing  a  comTnission  for  the  General,  was  as- 
sailed by  the  people,  and  driven  back  wounded  to 
the  Spanish  quarters:     A  party  under  the  com- 
mand of  Ordaz,  sent  out  to  inspect,  and  report  on, 
the  state  of  the  city,  was  also  driven  in,   with  the 
loss  of  twenty-three   slain,  and  many   wounded; 
and  a  fierce  attack  was  made  and  obstinately  sus- 
tained upon  the  garrison,   in  which  several  Span- 
iards perished.     A  portion  of  the  palace  was  set 
on  fire,  which  was  with  great  difficulty  got  under, 
by  tearing  down  part  of  the  buildings,'  and  by  co- 
vering the  flames  with  earth.     Nor  did  the  assail- 
ants retire,  until  the  departure  of  the  sun,  at  which 
time,  according  to  custom,   they  ceased  to  combat. 
On  the  following  day  the  assault  was  renewed 
with  greater  fury.     In  vain  did  the  discharges  from 
twelve  pieces  of  artillery,   sweep  away  the  advan- 
cing  columns,    the  desperate  Mexicans  instantly 
fiUetl  up  the  rank?,  and  pressed  recklessly  forward 
to  the  attack.     Cortes  beheld  with  astonishment, 
the  men  heretofore  submissive  to  his  slightest  wish, 
now  contend  against  his  utmost  power  with  the 
most  exalted  courage  and  fortitude.     He  attempted 
a  sortie  and  though  the  mass  gave  way,  momenta- 
rily, to  the  shock  of  the  Spanish  charge,  and  num- 
bers perished  by  the  keen  and  enduring  sword,  the 
warring  multitude  did  not  seem  to  diminish.     And 
his  greatest  exertions  during  a  whole  day  of  con- 
flict, enabled  him  only  to  make  his  way  through 
one  of  the  principal   streets  of  the  city,  and  con- 
sume a  few  dwellings.     In  obtaining  these  advan- 
tao;es  he  had  more  than  fifty  men  wounded,  and  ten 
killed,   and  was  himself  much  hurt  in  the  hand. 
This  severe  loss  admonished  the  General  to  take 
greater  precautions  for  the  security  of  the  troops; 
and  a  day  was  devoted  to  the  construction  of  four 
moving  towers,  called  mantas,  from  each  of  which 
twenty-five  soldiers  might  fight  with  the  greatest 
14* 


150  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH,  V. 

advantage,  and  drive  the  enemy  from  their  most 
annoying  position  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses,    • 

V.  In  the  mean  time  Cortes  resolved  to  employ 
his  prisoner  Montezuma,  to  avert  the  fuiy  of  his 
subjects,  and  required  that  he  should  appear  on  the 
ramparts  arrayed  in  royal  robes,  in  order  to  attempt 
an  accommodation,  the  basis  of  which  should  be, 
the  departure  of  the  Spaniards  from  the  city.  AVhen 
the  Mexicans  on  the  following  morning  renewed 
the  assault,  the  abject  prince  presented  himself  be- 
fore them.  At  the  sight  of  their  sovereign,  the 
combatants  dropped  their  arms,  the  profound  re- 
spect and  religious  awe  his  presence  had  always 
inspired  came  upon  their  spirits,  and  they  listened 
in  deep  silence  to  his  exhortations  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  to  suffer  their  cruel  enemies  to  depart. 
But,  when  he  ceased,  a  sullen  murmur  spread 
through  the  multitude,  expressive  of  strong  indig- 
nation; and  Quauhtimotzin  his  successor  and  the 
last  king  of  Mexico,  reproaching  him  for  his  super- 
stition and  cowardice,  which  had  enslaved  himself 
and  entailed  unheard  of  woes  upon  his  country, 
seized  a  bow  and  aimed  an  arrow  at  his  person. 
The  veneration  of  the  crowd  was  lost  in  the  re- 
membrance of  their  sufferings,  and  missiles  of  all 
kinds  assailed  the  unhappy  prince,  who,  insuffi- 
ciently protected  by  the  Spanish  bucklers,  received 
several  slight  wounds  in  the  body,  but  far  deeper 
ones  in  the  spirit,  fell  to  the  ground  and  was  borne 
to  his  apartments.  Upon  seeing  him  fiiU,  his  sub- 
jects, horror  stricken,  fled  from  the  scene  of  their 
crime.  Cortes  iiastened  to  condole  with  the  un- 
happy monarch,  who,  now,  conscious  of  the  detes- 
tation of  his  people,  and  hopeless  of  regaining  the 
affection  and  the  state  from  which  he  had  fallen, 
resumed  the  haughty  tone  of  his  character,  and 
disdained  to  be  longer  the  slave  and  tool  of  his 
country's  enemies.     Tearing  the  bandages  from  his 


II 


CH.   IV.  MEXICO.  151 

wounds,  he  refused  all  nourishment,  and  thus  ter- 
minated his  wretched  life,  rejecting  with  disdain 
every  solicitation  to  embrace  the  christian  faith.* 

Some  of  the  Mexican  historians  ascribe  the  death 
of  Montezuma  to  the  Spaniards.  This  is  not  pro- 
bable, simplv,  because,  it  does  not  appear,  that,  his 
death  would  avail  them  in  aught;  and  whatever 
may  have  been  his  deficiencies  as  a  monarch,  his 
private  virtues  had  endeared  him  to  the  meanest 
soldier.  In  youth,  and  before  he  attained  the 
throne,  he  v.as  warlike  and  had  conquered  in  many 
battles.  He  was  magnificent,  liberal,  and  luxuri- 
ous: Proud  in  his  deportment  and  severe  in  his 
judgments.  In  latter  life,  superstition  and  self  in- 
dulgence had  so  enfeebled  his  mind  that  he  seemed 
as  his  subjects  reproached  him,  to  have  changed  his 
sex.  The  body  of  the  unhappy  prince  was  deli- 
vered to  his  subjects  and  buried  with  the  usual  so- 
lemn rites.  He  left  at  his  death  several  sons,  three 
of  whom  perished  in  battle  on  the  J^'oche  Triste, 
or  night  of  wo,  as  the  Spaniards  have  named  it, 
shortly  after  the  decease  of  their  father.  Of  those 
who  survived,  the  most  remarkable  was  loliucdica- 
huatzin,  or  Don  Pedro  Montezuma,  from  whom 
the  Counts  Montezuma  and  Tula  were  descended. 
He  left  also  a  daughter,  from  whom  the  noble 
houses  of  Cano  Montezuma  and  Andreda  Monte- 
zuma are  derived.  The  Spanish  monarch,  in  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  ready  submission  of  Monte- 
zuma to  their  power,  granted  many  special  favors 
to  his  familv. 

VI.  On  the  28th  Cortes  made  a  sally  with  his 
towers,  in  hope  that  the  troops  in  their  march  might 
be  freed  from  the  missiles  thrown  from  the  house 
tops.  Bu|  the  roofs  of  the  engines  v>ere  crushed 
by  the  ri(assive  stones  torn  from  the  walls  and  cast 

•  Herrera.  Solis.  Bemal  Diaz.  Clavigero.  Robertson. 


15^  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

upon  them,  and  unable  to  pass  the  first  biiflge 
which  separated  his  quarters  from  the  town,  he  re- 
turned, after,  a  struggle  of  several  hours  duration, 
leaving  one  man  killed  and  carrying  back  many 
wounded. 

The  Mexicans  were  greatly  encouraged  by  this 
successful  resistance.  Five  hundred  nobles  forti- 
fied themselves  in  the  upper  area  of  the  greater  tem- 
ple, which  overlooked  the  Spanish  posts  and  whence 
they  could  annoy  the  soldiers  with  the  greatest 
advantage.  Cortes  dispatched  Juan  de  Escobar 
with  an  hundred  men  to  dislodge  them.  But  he 
\vas  thrice  repulsed  and  the  General  resolved  with 
an  additional  force  to  head  the  attack  himself. 
Bindin«;  his  shield  to  his  v/ounded  arm,  he  sallied 
forth  with  a  large  party  of  Spaniards  and  Tlascal- 
ans,  who  were  bravely  encountered  and  long  resist- 
ed in  the  lower  court.  By  degrees  Cortes  attained 
the  upper  area,  where  the  combat  was  prolonged 
for  several  hours,  and  he  was  himself  in  great  dan- 
ger of  perishing.  Two  young  men,  approached 
him  as  if  craving  quarter,  and  suddenly  seizing 
him,  attempted  to  throw  themselves,  with  the  Ge- 
neral, into  the  lower  area.  But  Cortes  fortunately 
liberated  himself  from  their  grasp,  and  the  devoted 
youths  were  precipitated  together,  over  the  preci- 
pice. The  slaughter  here  was  great,  the  sanctua- 
ries were  set  on  fire,  and  the  troops  retired  without 
further  molestation  to  their  quarters.  But  forty-six 
Spaniards  were  slain  outright  and  many  others 
grievously  wounded. 

A  speedy  retreat  was  now  indispensable,  and 
Cortes  endeavoured  to  obtain  permission  from 
tlie  nobles  to  retire  unmolested,  urgin^^  his  abhor- 
rence to  shed  so  much  blood,  and  inflict  so  many 
evils  as  their  obstinacy  occasioned.  They  mocked 
his  pretensions  to  humanity;  but  declared  that  they 
regarded  not,  what  Diight  befall  themselves,  provi- 


CH.   V.  MEXICO.  153 

ded  they  could  destroy  every  one  of  their  cruel 
enemies;  and  if  they  were  unable  to  do  this  with 
the  sword,  it  would  assuredly  be  effected  by 
famine. 

The  latter  result  seemed  highly  probable,  as  in- 
timidated by  the  late  fierce  displays  of  Spanish  cou- 
rage, the  Mexicans  had  changed  their  whole  system 
of  attack,  and  had  applied  themselves  to  barri- 
cade the  streets  and  break  down  the  causeways. 
To  remove  the  former  obstructions  Cortes  made  a 
night  sortie,  and  breaking  into  one  of  the  principal 
streets,  burned  more  than  three  hundred  dwellings. 
On  the  next  day  he  sallied  by  the  dyke  of  Iztapa- 
lapan  and  obtained  possession  of  several  bridges, 
and  filled  portions  of  the  canals,  that  he  might  ren- 
der his  retreat  more  easy  and  less  liable  to  inter- 
ruption. But  this  advantage  cost  him  ten  or  twelve 
of  his  bravest  soldiers.  Again,  on  the  succeeding 
day,  he  fought  his  way  by  the  same  road,  and  at 
last  reached  the  main  land.  Whilst  engaged  in 
destro^-ing  the  last  bridge,  and  filling  the  last  canal, 
he  was  informed  that  the  Mexicans  were  disposed 
to  capitulate,  and  for  that  purpose  required  the  li- 
beration of  the  chief  priest,  who  had  been  made 
prisoner  at  the  assault  upon  the  temple.  He  has- 
tened to  his  quarters  and  readily  granted  their  re- 
quest. This  was  a  stratagem,  however,  by  which 
they  procured  the  indispensable  presence  of  the 
priest,  at  the  coronation  of  their  new  sovereign, 
and  a  cessation  of  arms,  during  which,  they  drove 
the  Spaniards  in  charge  of  the  road  into  the  town, 
and  rendered  useless  their  two  days  labour. 

VII.  The  dyke  of  Iztapalapan  having  been  ren- 
dered impassable,  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  that 
of  Tacuba,  which  leading  in  a  direction  opposed  to 
Tlascala  had  been  the  least  injured  by  the  Mexi- 
cans. Unfortunately,  the  night  was  chosen  for  the 
retreat,  from  a  knowledge  of  the  general  reluctance 


154  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

of  the  Indians  to  fight  in  darkness,  and  not* less 
from  the  advice  of  a  soldier  called  Botello,  whose 
claims  to  the  vain  science  of  astrology  were  even 
by  Cortes  confidently  admitted.  The  army  com- 
menced its  march  towards  midnight,  on  the  first  of 
July.  Sandoval  commanded  the  van,  Alvarado 
and  Leon  the  rear,  and  Cortes  the  centre,  where 
were  placed  the  prisoners,  the  artillery,  tlie  bag- 
gage, and  a  portable  bridge  for  passing  the  breach- 
es of  the  causeway.  Here,  also,  was  the  king's 
fifth  of  the  treasure;  all  the  rest  Cortes  abandoned 
to  his  soldiers,  advising  them  however  to  leave  it, 
rather  than  incumber  themselves  with  its  weight 
upon  the  march.  In  profound  silence  the  troops 
reached  the  first  canal  through  the  dyke,  hoping, 
that  their  retreat  was  undiscovered.  But  the  priests 
who  watched  in  the  temple  now  gave  the  signal, 
and  their  cry,  *'To  arms!  to  arms!^  theTeulesare 
flying,"  was  answered  by  a  tremendous  burst  of 
musical  instruments  and  the  shouts  of  an  innume- 
rable multitude,  which  lined  the  causeways,  defen- 
ded the  breach  and  covered  the  lake  with  canoes. 
Flights  of  arrows  and  showers  of  stone  poured 
from  every  quarter.  And  the  Mexicans,  in  masses, 
impeding  each  other,  rushed  upon  the  Spaniards  as 
on  their  devoted  prey.  The  first  ditch  was  passed 
in  comparative  safety;  but  the  weight  of  the  artille- 
ry sunk  the  bridge  so  deep  in  the  mud,  that  it  could 
not  be  removed.  The  rencontre  at  the  second 
ditch  was  consequently  terrible.  The  deep  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  was  increased  by  heavy  rain;  and 
its  silence  was  broken  by  the  clamours  of  the  com- 
batants, the  shrieks  of  the  wounded,  and  the  groans 
of  the  dying.  The  breach  was  too  wide  to  be 
leaped  and  too  deep  to  be  waded.  In  the  attempt 
to  pass  it  by  swimming,  all  order  was  broken,  and 
the  canal  soon  became  so  filled  with  dead  bodies  of 
men  and  horses,  that  the  rear  of  the  army  was  en- 


CH,  V.  MEXICO.  155 

abled  to  march  over  it.  The  thu'd  ditch  presented 
like  difficulties  which  were  surmounted  in  like 
manner.  Cortes  with  about  one  hundred  foot  sol- 
diers and  a  few  horse  gained  the  main  land.  Ha- 
ving formed  these  as  soon  as  he  arrived,  he  return- 
ed with  such  as  were  capable  of  service,  to  assist 
the  retreat  of  their  friends  and  to  encourage  their 
exertions  by  his  presence  and  example.  Some  he 
was  enabled  to  save,  but  his  heart  was  rent  by  the 
cries  of  those  who  sank  beneath  the  enemy,  or,  ta- 
ken prisoners,  were  borne  oft'  in  the  boats  to  be  sa- 
crificed to  the  gods.* 

The  loss  of  the  Spaniards  on  this  sad  night  con- 
sisted of  more  than  four  hundred  and  fifty  Euro- 
peans, and  four  thousand  auxiliaries;  all  the  artil- 
lery; forty-six  horses,  the  treasure  which  had  been 
amassed,  and  the  more  valuable  manuscripts  of 
Cortes;  a  considerable  part  of  the  illustrious  priso- 
ners, among  whom  were,  Cacamatzin,  the  deposed 
king  of  Acolhuacan;  a  brother,  and  son  and  two 
daughters  of  Montezuma  and  Maxicatzin.  Of  the 
Spanish  officers,  Cortes  mourned  with  tears  the  loss 
01  Velasques  de  Leon,  who  had,  abandoned  his 
own  relative  to  cleave  to  him;  Amador  de  Laviz, 
Francisco  Morla,  and  Francisco  de  Saucedo.t  He 
had  the  satisfaction,  however,  to  leani  that  Aquilar 
and  Marina,  the  useful  instruments  of  his  future 
fortune  had  been  preserved. 

The  Mexicans  might  in  this  broken  and  dispiri- 
ted condition  of  the  Spanish  army,  by  continuing 
the  combat,  have  utterly  destroyed  their  late  haugh- 
ty and  cruel  enemies.  But,  either  a  want  of  knowl- 

*  Alvarado  crossed  the  third  ditch  by  leaping  it  with  his  lance 
for  a  leapinw  pole.  The  leap  was  deemed  so  exti-aordinan-  that 
the  pass  still  bears  the  name  of  Salto  d'  Alvarado.  B.  Diaa 
denies  the  possibility  of  the  leap,  and  says  that  no  spear  could 
reach  the  bottom. 

t  Clavigero.   Bernal  Diaz. 


156  IIISTOUV  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   Y. 

edge  ill  ihc  art  of  war,  the  duty  due  to  thetlead, 
or  s^ome  unknown  cause,  induced  tlieni  to  quit  tlie 
pursuit;  and  iliey  employed  the  following;  dav  in 
niourninj;,  and  paying  tuneial  honours  to  their 
friends.  In  the  performance  ot"  this  melancholy 
office,  they  cleared  the  .rtreets,  dykes,  and  ditches, 
of  dead  bodies,  burnino;  them  before  they  could 
infect  the  air  by  corruptmn. 

At  break  of  day,  Cortes  collected  his  wounded, 
wearied  and  alUicted  soldiers  at  the  village  of  Po- 
potla;  and  thence  marched  through  the  city  of  Tla- 
copan,  (Tacuba,)  harrassed  by  some  troops  of  that 
city  and  of  Azcapo/.alco,  to  Otoucalpolco,  a  tem- 
ple on  the  summit  of  a  low  mountain,  nine  miles 
west  of  the  capital,  where  subsequently  stood,  and 
perhaps,  still  stands,  the  sanctuary  of  The  /7r«7;i 
of  Succour.  The  army  halted  here  to  take  some 
rest  and  nourishment?  the  latter  being  furnished 
by  some  Otomies  who  lived  impatiently  under  the 
!N*lexican  yoke,  in  adjacent  handets.  Tlascala  was 
the  onlv  place  in  which  Cortes  could  hope  to  re- 
ceive eflectual  succour  and  the  means  of  retrieving 
his  fortunes.  But  he  was  now,  on  the  west  side  of 
the  lake,  and  Tlascala  lay  sixty-four  miles  distant 
from  its  eastern  bank.  It  was  necessary  therefore 
to  go  round  its  northern  end,  to  gain  the  road  which 
led  tliither.  Under  the  direction  of  a  Tlascalan 
guide,  he  marched  by  almost  impracticable  ways, 
througli  ill  cultivated  and  thinlv  peopled  districts 
of  Quauhtiilan,  Citlahepec,  Xoloc  and  Zacamolca, 
annoyeil  during  their  whole  march  by  ilying  troops 
of  the  enemy,  and  so  pressed  by  famine,  that  the 
Spaniards  supped  from  tiie  carcase  of  a  horse,  which 
had  been  killed  that  day;  and  the  Tlascalans  cast 
themselves  upon  tiie  eartli  to  graze  like  brutes. 

Vm.  During  this  painful  march,  the  skirmish- 
ins;  parties  of  the  enemy  frequently  exclaimed, 
** March  on  robbers,  march  on,   vou  do  but  hasten 


en.  V.  MKxrco.  157 

to  the  scene  of  punislimont  for  your  crimos.''  The 
iiuMtiirii!:  of  this  tliriMl,  not  tlion  uiulerstood,  was 
appallingly  oxplainotl,  \\lu'n  on  tlie  next  niorn- 
in::;  the  Spaniards  beheld  from  tiic.  mountains  of 
A/.ta(pienK'can,  the  plain  of  Tonnn.  between  them 
and  the  city  of  Otompan,  co>ered  with  a  countless 
and  brilliant  multitude  of  their  foes,  who  had  sc- 
lectetl  this  as  a  fa\ourable  spot,  to  complete  the 
immolation  they  had  successfully  be<:;an.  The 
C'astilians  estimateil  this  native  army  at  two  luin- 
dred  thousand  men,  and  the  bravest  soliliers  ipiail- 
cd  at  the  siu;ht.  Hut,  Cortes,  without  waiting;  the 
^row  th  of  tlu'ir  fears,  instantly  funned  his  army, 
so  that  the  flanks  mip;ht  be  in  some  n\easure  pro- 
tected by  liis  small  squadron  of  horse,  and  gave 
ortlers  for  the  attiick.  In  open  day  the  steel  sword 
of  the  C'astilians,  ^ave  them  in  close  encounter  sucli 
advantai^es,  that  in  whatever  direction  they  turned 
their  force  the  impression  was  irresistible.  But 
when  the  muhituile  i^ave  way  in  one  (piarter,  they 
closed  in  another,  and  the  s|)irits  of  the  soldiers 
sunk  within  them,  as  they  beheld  no  end  to  their 
toil,  and  couUl  entertain  no  hope  of  victory.  For- 
tunately, Cortes  behoUling  the  standard  borne  by 
Cihuacat/.in,  the  Mexican  con)mander-in-chiei, 
called  to  mind,  that  U])on  it  depended  tlie  fate  of 
every  battle.  Asseniblinjr  arouml  him  a  few  of 
the  bravest  oflicers,  whose  horses  were  yet  capable 
of  service,  he  dashed  forward  towards  it  with  an 
impetuosity  that  scattered  or  prostrated  all  before 
him.  The  Mexican  (ieneral,  clothed  in  rich  ar- 
mour, his  helmet  surniounted  by  a  lofty  and  waving 
i)lume  of  brilliant  featliers,  and  a  gilded  shield  on 
his  arm,  was  carried  on  a  litter.  The  standard 
formed  of  irolden  net-work,  pendant  from  a  noint- 
od  sL;iir,  was  firmly  bound  to  his  body,  and  rose 
ten  j)alms  above  his  head.  Cortes,  Sandoval, 
Alvarado,  and  Olid,  strove  who  should  first 
15 


158  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA,  CH.  V. 

attain  this  gaudy  and  important  pageant*  It 
was  Cortes'  fortune  to  strike  him  first  ^vith  his 
spear,  and  to  overturn  liim  upon  tlie  ground,  when 
Juan  de  Salamanca,  a  brave  soldier,  \vho  had  kept 
up  with  his  commander,  dismounting  quickly  from 
his  horse,  put  an  end  to  his  life.  He  tore  oft'  the 
plume  from  his  head  and  presented  it  to  the  Gene- 
ral, saying,  '"He  who  first  strikes  the  Quarry 
merits  the  trophy.'**  The  chiefs  around  the  Mexi- 
can standard  shared  the  fate  of  the  leader.  AVhen 
he  fell  and  the  banner  disappeared,  the  army  as  if 
by  universal  consent  was  dissolved,  every  warrior 
cast  away  his  weapons,  and  fled  from  the  field. 
Upon  this  day  when  every  man  fought  with  despe- 
ration the  gallantry  and  activity  of  Cortes  and  San- 
doval called  forth  the  admiration  of  the  troops  and 
received  their  warmest  acclamations.  The  Tlas- 
calans,  too,  fought  with  their  usual  courage  and  in 
the  pursuit  made  great  slaughter  of  the  flying  foe; 
twenty  thousand  of  whom  are  said  to  have  fallen. 
The  Spaniards  abandoned  the  pursuit  to  collect  the 
spoils  of  the  field,  which,  from  the  practice  of  the 
Mexicans  to  decorate  themselves  in  their  richest 
ornaments,  were  so  valuable  as  almost  to  compen- 
sate the  soldiers  for  their  loss  during  the  sad  re- 
treat. But  the  victory  was  not  bought  without 
price.  The  greater  portion  of  the  Tlascalans  pe- 
rished^ many  of  the  Spaniards  also  were  slain,  and 
none  escaped  widiout  a  wound.  The  Spaniards 
were  now  reduced  to  four  hundred  and  forty  in 
number.  Beside  those  slain  previous  to  the  retreat, 
there  perished  during  it  and  the  six  following  davs, 
eight  hundred  and  seventy;  manv  of  wliom  having 
been  made  prisoners,  were  sacrificed  to  the  great 
Moloch  of  the  temple. 


•  Charles  V.  ■uith  other  rewards,  gave  Sulr.raanca,  a  coat  oi 
arma  with  a  plume  or  penache  upon  it. 


CH.  V.  MEXIOO.  159 

IX.  Scarce  was  the  battle  won,  than  new  cares 
pressed  upon  the  mind  of  Cortes.  In  the  flood 
tide  of  his  fortunes  the  Tlascalans  had  been  faith- 
ful to  their  pledge  of  amity, — his  successes  grati- 
fied every  passion  of  their  hearts — gave  them  glory, 
vengeance,  and  plunder.  Since  his  reverse,  their 
fate  was  indissolubly  bound  to  that  of  him  and  his 
Spaniards. — But,  would  their  nation  now  receive 
them  with  cordiality,  when  stripped  of  a  great  por- 
tion of  their  power,  wounded,  wearied,  and  de- 
sponding? Or  would  they  avail  themselves  of  this 
opportunity,  to  avenge  their  first  defeats  and  to 
obtain  the  valuable  arms  of  the  strangers?  His 
doubts  were  injuries  to  the  brave  and  generous  re- 
public. The  principal  chiefs  met  him  upon  their 
confines,  and  tendered  him  all  that  they  could  be- 
stow; putting  the  whole  force  of  the  commonwealth 
at  his  command,  and  even  the  women  excited  liim 
to  take  vengeance  of  the  common  enemy.* 

X.  During  the  interval  necessary  to  refresh  the 
troops,  Cortes  learned  that  the  enmity  of  the  Mex- 
icans had  not  been  confined  to  the  Spaniards  imme- 
diately under  his  command.  A  considerable  de- 
tachment, marching  from  Chempoalla  to  the  capital, 
had  been  cut  oft'  by  the  people  of  Tepejacac,  as 
peace- offerings  to  the  Mexicans,  whom  they  thus 
appeased  for  the  oftence,  they  had  committed  in 
the  reception  of  Cortes  on  his  first  march  to  Mexi- 
co. A  smaller  party  returning  from  Tlascala  to 
Vera  Cruz,  with  the  share  of  Mexican  gold  allotted 
to  the  garrison,  had  been  surprised  and  destroyed 
in  the  mountains.  Steadfast  to  his  purpose,  of  re- 
ducing the  empire  of  Mexico  beneath  the  Spanish 
yoke,  and  which  misfortune  had  in  no  way  relaxed, 
he  mourned  the  loss  of  every  soldier;  and  as  a 
mean  of  securing  the  fidelity  of  millions,  to  a  few 

•  8th  July,  1520. 


160  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   V. 

hundred  invaders,  he  resolved  to  take  ample  ven- 
geance for  the  death  of  every  Spaniard  who  fell  by 
the  arms  of  the  natives.  Nor  were  the  hopes  he 
entertained  unwarranted.  Vera  Cruz  had  remained 
unmolested.  Chempoalla  and  the  neighbouring 
districts,  and  the  warlike  Tlascalans  were  faithful 
to  his  interests,  and  liis  Spanish  force,  more  expe- 
rienced and  better  acquainted  with  the  country, 
was  quite  as  numerous  as  that,  with  which  he  had 
already  penetrated  to  Mexico. 

XL  Every  act  of  his  life  tended  to  his  great  ob- 
ject. He  courted  the  favor  of  the  Tlascalans  with 
great  assiduity;  distributing  liberally  among  them 
tlie  spoils  of  the  field  of  Otompan.  He  drew  a 
small  supply  of  amunition  and  two  or  three  small 
field  pieces  from  his  stores  at  Vera  Cruz.  He  des- 
patched a  faithful  officer  with  four  sliips  of  Nar- 
vaez'  fleet,  to  Hispaniola  and  Jamaica,  to  engage 
adventurers  and  purchase  horses,  gun  powder,  and 
other  military  stores.  And  to  secure  the  command 
of  the  lake  of  Mexico,  he  prepared  materials  in  the 
mountains  of  Tlascala,  for  building  twelve  brigan- 
tines,  which  he  purposed  to  have  carried  thither. 
A  new  and  formidable  obstacle  arose,  in  a  quarter 
where  he  least  expected  it.  The  followers  of  Nar- 
vaez  diftered  widely  from  his  own  troops.  They 
were  planters,  ratlicr  than  soldiers,  wlio,  liad  left 
productive  estates  in  Cuba,  in  hopes  of  obtaining 
more  valuable  ones  in  Mexico;  and  they,  had  never 
anticipated  and  were  unwilling  to  pay,  the  great 
cost  of  the  purchase.  Amid  the  disasters  of  Mex- 
ico, they  cursed  their  easy  faith  in  the  General, 
which  had  led  them  into  such  perils:  and  such  as 
had  survived  the  retreat,  had  secured  a  considera- 
ble share  of  the  abandoned  gold  and  were  unwil- 
ling to  risk  exposure  to  similar  calamities.  When 
Cortes'  constancy  to  his  design  was  developed, 
they  remonstrated  against  it  and  earnestly  and  for- 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  161 

mally  required  him  to  lead  them  back  to  Vera  Cruz 
whence  they  might  pass  to  Cuba.  Neither  his  own 
eloquence,  nor  the  entreaties  of  his  soldiers  could 
change  tlieir  determination.  The  utmost  he  could 
eft'ect,  was  to  defer  their  departure,  under  a  pro- 
mise that  at  some  more  convenient  juncture  he 
would  dismiss  such  as  should  desire  it. 

XII.  It  so  happened  that  the  detachment  de- 
stroyed by  the  Tepejacans  was  composed  chiefly  of 
the  companions  of  the  discontented,  and  their  de- 
sire for  vengeance  made  them  more  readily  submit 
to  the  active  employment  which  he  deemed  proper 
to  divert  the  minds  of  his  soldiers,  from  discussing 
his  present  conduct  and  future  plans.  Having  de- 
manded and  been  refused  satisfaction,  by  the  con- 
federacy of  Tepejacac,  he  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  four  hundred  and  twenty  Spaniards,  and 
six  thousand  Tlascalans,  while  Xicotencatl  was  le- 
vying an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  num- 
ber of  troops  assembled  from  Tlascala,  Huexotzin- 
co,  and  Cholula,  has  been  estimated  at  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men.  The  to^vn  of  Zacatepec 
was  first  reduced,  then  Acatzinco;  each  preceded 
by  a  hard  contested  battle.  Tepejacac  or  Tepeaca, 
as  it  is  termed  by  the  Spaniards,  fell  without  resis- 
tance. The  capture  of  these  cities  more  particu- 
larly claim  our  notice,  because,  the  Spaniards  here, 
and  at  this  time,  introduced  into  Anahuac  the  exe- 
crable system  of  Repartimientos^  and  consequent 
personal  slavery.  Cortes  declared  his  prisoners 
slaves;  and  having  set  apart  a  fifth  for  the  king, 
divided  the  rest  among  his  countrymen  and  allies, 
branding  those  of  the  former  with  heated  irons.* 

XIII.  He  had  scarce  completed  the  reduction  of 
Tepejacac  when  he  received  an  entreaty  from  the 
Governor  of  Quauquechollan,t  to  come  to  his  aid, 

•  Bemal  Diaz. 

t  Called  Guacacualco  by  Bcmal  Diaz. 
\5* 


162  HISTORY   OP    AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

and  assist  him  in  the  expulsion  of  an  army  of  U»ir- 
ty  thousand  Mexicans.     This  was  a  considerable 
city  about  four  miles  south  of  Tepejacac,  contain- 
ing near  six  thousand  Himilies,  pleasantly  situated, 
and  alike  fortified  by  nature  and  art.     On  one  side 
was  a  steep  and  rocky  mountain,  and  on  another 
two  parallel  rivers.   The  wliole  city  was  surround- 
ed  with  a  strong  wall   of  stone  and  lime,  twenty 
feet  high  and  twelve  broad;    upon  which  was  a 
breast-work  of  three  feet  elevation.     The  entran- 
ces,  four  in  number,  were   protected  by  doubling 
the  ends  of  the  walls  in  semicircles,    such  as  we 
have  described  in  the  noted  wall  of  Tlascala.   Cor- 
tes immediately  despatched  De  Olid,  with  thirteen 
horses,  two  hundred  Spaniards,  and  thirty  thousand 
auxiliaries.     During  the  march  from  Tlascala,  Olid 
grew  suspicious  of  treachery,  on  the  part  of  Quauh- 
quechoUan  and  Huexotzinco,  and  retired  to  Cholu- 
la,  whence  he  sent  some  chiefs  of  the  latter  to  Cor- 
tes for  examination.*     Their  innocence  becoming 
soon  apparent,   the  General  applied  himself,  suc- 
cessfully, to  remove  every  vestige  of  dissatisfaction^ 
and  putting  himself  at  their  head  with  an  addition- 
al hundred  Spanish  infantry,   and  ten  horses,   he 
marched   for  Cholula,   resolved  to  take  the  enter- 
prise upon  himself.     Before  he  arrived  at  Quauh- 
quecholla,   his  auxiliary  troops  amounted   to   one 
hundred  thousand  men.      With  such  a  force  with- 
out, aided  by  the  insurgents,    within,  the  city  was 
soon  taken.     Itzocan,   a  small  and  well   fortified 
town,  situated  in  a  deep  and  narrow  valley,  shared 
the  same  fate.     Both  professed  submission  to  the 
Spanish  crown,  under  whose  dominion,  the  towns 
of  Xalatzinco  and  Tecamachalco,  were  also  soon 
after  reduced.     These  advantages  scarcely  com- 


*  Clavi_^ero.     Bemal  Diaz  ascribes  tliis  retrogade  movement 
to  tlic  mutiny  of  the  followei's  of  Narvaez. 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  163 

pensated  the  grievous  disaster  sustained  before 
Tochtepec,  a  large  city  upon  the  river  Popaloapan. 
Salcedo,  \vith  eighty  Spaniards,  was  sent  to  attack 
the  Mexican  garrison  here,  not  one  of  whom  re- 
turned to  communicate  the  tidings  of  their  defeat. 
Their  deaths  were  soon  afterwards  avenged  bv  Or- 
daz  and  D'Avila  who  captured  the  city.  The  suc- 
cesses of  the  Spaniards  not  only  restored  their  con- 
fidence in  their  own  superiority,  but  reproduced 
the  awe  and  veneration  among  the  natives  which 
had  50  much  favoured  their  first  victories.  Cortes 
became  now  the  general  arbiter  of  the  Indian  na- 
tions, by  whose  fiat,  the  succession  to  estates  and 
honors  was  finally  determined. 

XIV.  The  timber  for  his  vessels  being  nearly 
ready,  he  prepared  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon 
tlie  city  of  Mexico,  in  aid  of  which  his  extraordi- 
nary good  fortune  again  appeared.  The  Governor 
of  Cuba,  in  full  confidence  of  the  success  of  Nar- 
vaez,  had  despatched  two  small  vessels  after  him, 
with  new  instructions  and  supplies  of  men  and  mi- 
litary stores.  They  were  artfully  decoyed  into  Villa 
Rica  and  seized  by  the  lieutenant  of  Cortes,  who 
found  little  difficulty  in  persuading  the  soldiers  to 
join  the  standard  of  the  General.  Soon  after,  three 
other  ships  of  more  considerable  force  came  sepa- 
rately into  the  harbour.  These  formed  part  of  an 
armament  fitted  out  by  De  Garay,  Governor  of  Ja- 
maica, with  a  view  to  conquest  and  colonization  in 
Mexico.  His  agents  had  made  their  attempt  on 
the  northern  provinces,  v,  here  the  country  was  poor 
and  the  inhabitants  consisted  of  the  fierce  and  war- 
like Otomies.  After  a  continued  succession  of 
disasters,  famine  compelled  them  to  venture  to 
Vera  Cruz  and  cast  themselves  upon  the  charity  ot 
their  countrymen,  whose  fame  they  had  sought  to 
rival,  and  in  whose  acquisitions  they  had  designed 


1G4  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

forcibly  to  participate.*  They,  too,  were  easily 
induced  to  join  the  standard  of  Cortes.  A  vessel 
also  arrived  from  Spain,  freighted  with  military 
stores,  by  private  merchants,  in  hopes  of  a  profita- 
ble market.  Cortes  eagerly  purchased  the  cargo, 
and  enlisted  the  crew.  Thus,  from  various  quar- 
ters, his  army  was  augmented  with  one  hundred 
and  eighty  men,  and  twenty  horses, — a  reinforce- 
ment of  great  importance,  wliich  enabled  him  to 
dismiss  such  of  Narvaez'  soldiers  as  continued 
with  reluctance  in  his  service,  and  Mhose  longings 
for  their  homes  rendered  them  spiritless  soldiers, 
but,  active  and  dangerous  agitators.  After  their 
departure  he  still  mustered  live  hundred  and  fifty 
infantry,  of  which  four  score  were  armed  with 
muskets  or  cross-bows,  forty  horsemen,  and  nine 
field  pieces;  and  the  Tlascalans  according  to  Her- 
rera  and  Torquemada,  supplied  him  Mith  sixty 
tlwusand  archers,  ten  thousand  pikemen,  and  forty 
thousand  swordsmen,  commanded  by  the  younger 
Xicotencatl. 

XV,  In  the  mean  time  whilst  the  Spaniards  were 
recovering  from  their  fatigues  and  making  prepara- 
tions to  renew  their  attempt  on  Mexico,  tne  in  Habi- 
tants of  that  city  were  not  careless  of  the  means  of 
resistance.  The  injuries  they  had  sustained  in 
their  temples,  houses,  and  roads,  in  tlie  death  of 
their  king  and  many  of  the  chief  nobles,  were  very 
great;  but  scarce  greater  than  tliose  arising  from 
the  dissentions  which  sprang  up  among  themselves. 
A  Spanish  party,  too,  of  the  friends  and  relatives 
of  Montezuma,  had  been  formed  within  their  walls, 
whose  extinction  was  not  effected  without  much 
bloodshed. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Montezuma,   Cuitlahu- 

October  28. 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  165 

atzin*  was  duly  elected  to  the  throne.  He  had 
been,  as  we  have  seen,  the  distinguished  counsellor 
of  his  brother,  and  was  the  General  of  his  armies. 
Like  his  predecessor  he  was  remarkable  for  magni- 
ficence and  liberality^  and  the  gardens  of  Iztapa- 
lapan,  formed  a  beautiful  instance  of  his  taste.  His 
talents  and  sagacity  have  been  commended  by  no 
less  a  judge  tnan  Cortes  himself:  his  spirit  was 
evident  in  the  impatience  with  which  he  bore  the 
arrogance  of  the  invaders;  and  his  military  skill  in 
the  events  of  the  jXoche  Triste.  Had  he  lived, 
Cortes  might  not  have  triumplied  in  the  conquest  of 
tlie  Mexican  empire.  If  it  were  possible  for  the 
sacrifices  of  human  victims  ever  to  be  holy,  the 
captive  Spaniards  who  bled  on  the  altar  at  his  coro- 
nation, must  have  been  acceptable. 

When  this  ceremony  was  over,  he  applied  him- 
self dili2;ently,  to  repair  the  injuries  the  citv  had 
sustained,  to  conciliate  his  dependent  states  and 
concentrate  their  forces,  promising  those  who  would 
take  up  arms  for  the  crown,  exemption  from  future 
tribute.  He  with  great  ingenuity  converted  the 
weapons  taken  from  the  Spaniards,  into  others  most 
eSective  against  cavalry;  heading  his  long  lances 
with  their  swords  and  daggers.  And  he  laboured 
earnestly  to  detach  the  Tlascalans  from  the  Span- 
ish interest;  conjuring  them  by  their  common  ori- 
gin and  religious  faith,  to  bury  in  oblivion  all  causes 
of  animosity  between  them  and  the  Mexicans,  and 
unite  for  the  extirpation  of  an  ungrateful  race,  who 
had  caused  the  death  of  their  benefactor,  had  bathed 
the  country  in  blood,  and  v.ith  sacrilegious  hands 
had  \'iolate*d  the  very  sanctuaries;  and  would  not 
fail,  to  subject  them  at  last,  to  the  same  yoke  which 
they  were  now  aiding  to  impose  upon  others. 


*  Called  by  Diaz,  CoadJavaca,  and  bv  Soils  and  Robertson, 
Quetlavaca. 


l66  HI5T0RY  OP  AiTERICA.  CH.  V. 

The  shrewd  sense  of  this  representation  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  Tlascalan  senate.  The 
voung  Xicontencatl.  who  had  not  forgiven  the 
Spaniards  his  own  defeat,  supported  with  math 
zeal  the  solicitation  of  the  king  of  Mexico.  But 
the  influence  of  Maxicatzin  and  other  elders, 
restrained  tlie  parti zans  of  the  voung  warrior  and 
caused  him  to  t>e  confined,  as  an  enemy  of  the  state. 
Deep  rooted  enmitv  against  the  Mexicans  and  the 
temporary,  but  abundant  wealth,  which,  had  flow- 
ed into  Tlascala  through  their  gifted  allies,  closed 
the  eyes  of  the  republic  against  future  dangers, 
predicted  by  a  suftenn^  foe,  Xicotencatl  owe3  his 
pardon  to  the  intercession  of  Cortes:  and  the  alli- 
ance of  the  Spaniards  was  consecrated  by  the  bap- 
tism of  the  four  chiefs  of  the  republic,  who  adopted 
the  christian  faith. 

XVI.  Whilst  Cuitlahuatzin  was  preparing  for 
defence,  with  enterprise  and  judgment,  that" pro- 
mised signal  success,  he  was  cut  off  by  the  small 
pox.  This  scourge  had  been  introduced  into  Mexi- 
co, bv  a  negro  in  tlie  train  of  Narvaez-  It  now 
rage<I  extensively  in  Anahuac,  many  places  were 
depopulated,  ancl  many  chiefs  were  numbered 
among  its  victims:  among  whom  were  the  Gover- 
nor of  Cholula.  and  the  friendly  Maxicatzin  of 
Tlascala.  In  the  interchange  of  pestilence,  even, 
the  Europeans  possessed  the  greatest  power  of  doing 
evil.  The  Mexicans  raised  Quauhtemotzin.  a  ne- 
phew of  the  preceding  king  and  son-in-law  of 
Montezuma,  to  the  throne.  He  was  about  twenty- 
five  years  old.  and  his  spirit  and  intelligence  had 
already  made  him  a  great  favorite  with  the  people. 

XVil.  Cortes  commenced  his  march  towards 
Mexico,  on  the  28th  of  December,  six  months  after 
his  disastroas  retreat  from  that  city.  His  design 
was  to  proceed  to  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  and  there 
estabUdh  hi3   head  quaners  until  his  brigantine« 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  167 

were  ready  to  be  launched.  He  chose  this  place 
with  his  usual  excellence  of  judgment.  The  city 
was  the  second  of  the  empire,  was  large,  surround- 
ed by  a  fertile  country,  and  abounded  with  provi- 
sions. The  buildings  were  good,  the  fortifications 
strong  and  susceptible  of  improvement,  and  it  pro- 
duced the  greatest  number  of  the  best  artizans  in 
Mexico.  Its  dominions  were  adjacent  to  those  of 
Tlascala,  and  rendered  communication  with  his 
friends  at  all  times  easy,  whilst  by  the  lake  he  could 
observe  and  control  the  country  upon  its  shores, 
and  equip  his  vessels  for  the  attack  of  the  capital. 
He  expected  also  to  govern  the  whole  kingdom  of 
Acolhuacan,  by  the  prince  Ixlilxochitl.  He  had 
carried  with  him  from  Mexico,  the  prince  Cuicuitz- 
catzin,whom  Montezuma, at  his  instance, had  placed 
on  the  throne,  in  the  room  of  his  unfortunate  bro- 
ther Cacamatzin.  He  escaped  from  Tlascala  to 
Tezcuco,  where  Coanacotzin,  the  rightful  heir,  was 
then  reigning,  but  speedily  fell  a  prey  to  the  jea- 
lousy of  his  brother  and  king.  Ixlilxochitl,  had  a 
numerous  party  in  the  city,  and  Cortes  meant  to  re- 
deem tlie  pledge  formerly  given  to  put  him  on  tlie 
throne. 

Cortes  entered  Tezcuco  on  the  last  day  of  the 
year,  ha^^ng  surmounted  some  inconsiderable  ob- 
stacles on  the  road  and  entertained  some  embassa- 
dors of  Coanacotzin,  who  approached  him  with  a 
small  golden  banner,  weighing  thirty-two  ounces; 
an  emblem  of  peace  and  a  present  from  the  king, 
who  invited  him  to  take  up  his  residence  in  his  city. 
He  was  lodged  in  one  of  the  palaces  of  the  late 
king  Nezaliualcojotl,  sufiiciently  spacious  to  con- 
tain, convenientlv,  more  than  double  his  Euro- 
pean force.  Although  his  reception  was  attend- 
ed with  every  outward  show  of  respect,  he  could 
readily  perceive  that  it  was  not  cordial.  And 
notwithstandinor  he  endeavoured  to  restore  confi- 


168  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   V. 

dence,  bj  prohibiting  his  troops  to  leave  their  quar- 
ters, he  soon  perceived  the  concourse  of  people  in 
the  streets  to  diminish,  and  the  women  and  chil- 
dren to  tiy  from  the  city^  and  he  had  the  mortifi- 
cation to  learn,  on  the  next  morning,  tliat,  Coana- 
cotzin  had  fled  by  the  lake  to  Mexico;  it  being  his 
intention  to  make  him  captive.  He  immediately 
raised  Ixtlilxochitl  to  the  throne,  and  took  under 
his  protection  the  nobles  of  Huexotla,  Coalichen 
and  Atenco,  towns  so  near  to  Tezcuco  that  they 
might  have  been  deemed  its  suburbs.  The  young 
prince  was  king  in  name  only;  but  that  name  was 
to  Cortes  a  tower  of  strength,  from  which  he  com- 
manded all  the  resources  of  the  kingdom. 

XVIII.  Cortes,  whilst  awaiting  the  necessary 
means  for  besieging  Mexico,  employed  his  troops 
in  excursions  against  the  neighbouring  cities  and 
adjacent  country.  The  beautiful  town  of  Iztapa- 
lapan  was  laid  waste,  as  much  by  the  devoted  pa- 
triotism of  its  inhabitants  as  by  the  arms  of  tlie 
Spaniards;  the  former  breaking  down  the  mounds 
which  kept  out  the  waters  of  the  lake,  in  hopes 
that  the  flood  might  overwhelm  their  enemies.  The 
cities  of  Misquic,  Otompan,  and  the  state  of  Chal- 
00  joined  his  party.  The  king  of  the  latter  on  his 
death-bed  had  recommended  to  his  sons,  to  seek 
the  protection  of  the  General,  and  to  consider  him 
as  their  fiither.  Most  of  the  cities  adjacent  to 
Mexico,  were  originally  capitals  of  small  indepen- 
dent states,  which,  as  we  have  seen,*  were  success- 
ively reduced  to  the  Mexican  yoke,  which  they 
bore  with  great  impatience;  and  they  listened  with 
gi-eedy  ears  to  promises  of  freedom  and  the  hopes 
of  vengeance,  by  which  Cortes  enticed  them  to 
acknowledge  the  king  of  Castile  as  their  sovereign, 
to  supply  the  Spanish  camp  with  provisions  and  to 

*  Vol.  iii. 


CH.   V.  MEXICO.  169 

strengthen  his  army  with  their  troops.  Quauhte- 
motzin  exerted  himself  to  restrain  and  to  punish 
their  revolt;  but  the  defection  spread,  and  he  had 
the  pain  to  behold  the  very  hands  which  should 
have  defended  the  empire  armed  against  it,  and 
Cortes  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  body  of  his  sub- 
jects prepared  to  advance  against  the  capital.  A 
more  detailed  view  of  the  operations  of  Cortes,  the 
result  of  which  we  have  just  given,  will  tend  to 
explain  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  Mexican  pow- 
er, the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  its  conquest,  and 
the  means  by  which  the  conqueror  attained  his 
end. 

XIX.  Having  received  information  that  the  tim- 
ber, sails,  cordage  and  iron  for  the  brigantines  were 
ready  for  transportation,  he  sent  Sandoval  with  two 
hundred  Spaniards  and  fifteen  horses,  to  protect 
the  carriage:  charging  him  to  pass  by  Zol tepee  to 
punish  the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  for  the  slaugh- 
ter of  forty-five  Spaniards  and  three  hundred  Tlas- 
calans,  who  had  been  cent  to  convoy  some  gold  to 
Cortes  whilst  he  occupied  the  city  of  Mexico.  This 
duty  perfonned,  Sandoval  commenced  the  labour, 
which  excelled  in  magnitude  that  of  Basco  Nunes, 
of  like  character,  across  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 
The  Tlascalans  furnished  eight  thousand  Tamenes 
or  labourers,  to  carry  the  materials  on  their  shoul- 
ders, and  fifteen  thousand  warriors  to  defend  them.* 
The  Tamenes  occupied  the  centre,  one  body  of 
warriors  the  front,  and  another  the  rear,  with  con- 
siderable parties  on  the  flanks.  To  each  party, 
some  Spaniards  were  assigned  to  assist  in  case  of 
danger  and  to  preserve  regularity  and  subordina- 
tion. Thus  distributed,  the  convoy  extended  in 
narrow  passes  over  a  line  of  six  miles.     Parties  ot 


*  CLmgero  says  30,000  warriors,  Bemal  Diaz,  10,000,  Her- 
rcra,  180,00<i. 
16 


170  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.^  V. 

Mexicans  frequently  appeared,  hovering  around 
them  upon  the  neighbouring  lieights,  but  perceiving 
the  excellent  order  which  was  preserved,  did  not 
venture  to  molest  them.  Thus  thirteen  vessels 
with  the  necessary  equipment  were  carried,  with- 
out the  aid  of  beasts  of  burthen  or  carriages,  a  dis- 
tance of  sixty  miles. 

XX.  Whilst  the  brigan tines  were  being  put  to- 
gether, Cortes,  with  the  reinforcement  of  auxilia- 
ries he  now  received,  resolved  to  make  the  circuit 
of  the  great  lakes,  and  to  reduce  the  cities  depen- 
dent upon  Mexico  before  he  commenced  the  siege 
of  the  capital.  In  this  progress,  he  assaulted  and 
took  Xaltocan,  a  strong  town  in  the  lake,  connect- 
ed, like  Mexico,  with  the  main  land  by  dykes;  the 
beautiful  cities  of  Quauhtitlan,  Tenajocca  and  Az- 
capozalco,  fell  into  his  hands  without  a  blow,  the 
inhabitants  intimidated  by  the  fate  of  Xaltocan,  ha- 
ving deserted  them.  His  march  was  checked  at 
Tlacopan,  from  which,  after  six  days  continued 
combat,  he  w^as  compelled  to  retire.  With  a  por- 
tion of  his  army  he  entered  upon  the  dyke  leading 
thence  to  Mexico  to  review  the  scene  of  his  great 
disaster;  a  scene  which  again  had  like  to  nave 
proved  fatal  to  him;  for  being  suddenly  attacked 
in  front  and  rear,  he  was  unable  to  extricate  him- 
self without  considerable  loss.  His  allies,  becoming 
embarrassed  with  their  spoils,  obtained  leave  to 
carry  them  to  their  homes,  and  he  returned  for  a 
short  period  to  Tczcuco.  Sandoval,  after  the  re- 
turn of  Cortes,  marched  with  twenty  horse,  three 
hundred  Spanish  infantry  and  a  large  army  of  aux- 
iliaries to  the  relief  of  Chalco,  threatened  by  a 
numerous  Mexican  force:  but  finding  the  city 
strengthened  by  its  allies,  he  turned  his  arms  against 
Huaxtepec,  a  strong  place  in  the  mountains,  tifteen 
miles  south  of  Chalco,  overthrowing  in  his  way  two 
large  bodies  of  tlie  enemy.     The  town  which  was 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  171 

then  famed  for  its  excellent  manufactures  of  cotton 
and  admirable  gardens,  was  easily  taken.  But 
Jacapichtla  proved  a  more  difficult  conquest:  Seat- 
ed on  the  summit  of  a  rugged  mountain,  almost  in- 
accessible to  cavalry,  and  whose  ascent  was  attend- 
ed with  great  danger  to  the  infantry,  from  the 
showers  of  darts  and  arrows  which  filled  the  air, 
and  the  masses  of  rock  which  came  bounding  with 
irresistible  force  down  its  sides.  The  Indian  allies 
hesitated  to  scale  the  mountain,  until,  emulous  of 
the  Spanish  example,  the  Tlascalans  followed  with 
equal  courage  and  activity.  The  enemy  was 
driven  from  the  town  with  such  slaughter  that 
a  small  stream  near  it,  was  so  tinted  with 
blood,  the  heated  and  thirsty  soldier  could  not 
for  more  than  an  hour  drink  of  it.  When  the  ti- 
dings of  the  fall  of  this  place  reached  Mexico,  a 
body  of  twenty  thousand  men,  in  two  thousand 
boats,  were  despatched  against  Chalco;  and  Sando- 
val just  returned  to  Tezcuco  with  his  wearied  and 
wounded  troops,  was  commanded  by  Cortes  to 
march  thither,  and  unjustly  reprimanded  for  not 
having  foreseen  and  prevented  this  attack.  His 
presence  was  however  unnecessary;  the  enemy  was 
repelled  by  the  Chalchese  and  their  allies;  and  the 
General, repenting  the  injury  he  had  done  his  meri- 
torious captain,  endeavoured  to  efface  his  chagrin 
by  renewed  marks  of  confidence  and  esteem. 

On  the  5th  of  April,*  Cortes  himself  again  set 
forth,  with  three  hundred  Spaniards  and  a  large 
native  force,  and  after  some  inconsiderable  skir- 
mishing, captured  the  town  of  Quauhnahuac,  the 
capital  of  the  Tlahuicas,  situated  more  than  thirty 
miles  south  of  Mexico.  Thence,  he  marched  to 
Xochimilco,  the  fourth  city  of  the  empire,  renown- 
ed for  its  beauty,  whence  it  had  its  name;  signify- 


1521. 


172  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

• 

ing  the  "-  field  of  flowers."  It  was  well  defended 
by  ditches  and  dykes,  and  cost  the  General  a  severe 
battle  before  it  was  captured,  in  which  he  was  res- 
cued from  the  hands  of  the  enemy  by  the  courage 
of  a  Tlascalan  warrior  and  two  of  his  own  domes- 
tics. His  horse  was  slain,  and  he  was  compelled 
to  fight  on  foot  with  his  lance,  but  he  did  not  es- 
cape without  wounds.  Clavigero  assures  us,  that, 
on  this,  as  on  otiier  occasions,  Cortes  might  have 
been  slain  by  the  enemy,  had  they  not  been  desirous 
to  take  him  alive,  that  they  might  make  so  appro- 
priate a  sacrifice  to  the  god  of  war.  The  Mexi- 
cans, highly  valuing  the  possession  of  this  city,  at- 
tempted its  relief,  and  full  three  days  were  spent 
by  the  Spaniards  in  its  reduction.  Thence  he 
marched  to  Cojahuacan,  six  miles  from  the  capital, 
which  he  caused  to  be  set  on  fire;  and  by  Tlacopan 
and  other  towns  to  Tezcuco;  having  in  this  expedi- 
tion, made  a  circuit  of  all  the  lakes  of  the  Mexican 
vale,  and  observed  with  the  eye  of  an  able  com- 
mander the  whole  field  of  his  operations. 

XXI.  About  this  period,  four  ships  arrived  at 
Vera  Cruz,  from  Ilispaniola,  with  two  hundred  sol- 
diers, eighty  horses,  two  battering  cannon  and  a 
large  supply  of  ammunition  and  arms.  The  brigan- 
tines  were  completed;  and  to  facilitate  the  launch- 
ing, Cortes  had  employed  a  vast  number  of  his  aux- 
iliaries in  deepening  the  small  rivulet  which  runs 
by  Tezcuco  into  the  lake,  and  forming  it  into  a 
canal,  two  miles  in  length.  On  the  iZSdi  of  April, 
all  the  Spanish  troops  together  with  the  allies,  were 
drawn  up  on  the  banks  of  the  canal,  and  with  ex- 
traordinary military  ])omp,  rendered  more  solemn 
by  the  celebration  of  religious  rites,  the  vessels 
were  launched.  As  they  fell  down  the  canal.  Fa- 
ther Olmedo  blessed  and  gave  each  its  name.  Every 
eye  followed  them  with  wonder  and  hope,  until 
they  entered  the  lake,  when  under  full  sail,  they 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  ITS 

bore  awmj  before  the  wind,  accompanied  by  gene- 
ral shoats  of  joy. 

XXII.  Every  thin^  ippeared  to  proaiisea  happj 
issae  to  the  euteqinse  when  hs  success  was  most 
endai^cfed.  The  leaTen  of  discontent,  whose 
workings  amoi^  the  troops  of  Narraez  had  hither- 
to  so  much  perplexed  Cortes,  had  not  been  entire- 
ly removed  by  the  departure  of  snch  as  had  re- 
turned to  Cuba.  Those  who  ranained  bdield  with 
dread  and  dismay  the  labours  and  dangers  which 
th«y  were  about  to  incur  in  the  siese  of  the  city, 
from  which  they  saw  no  m^ms  of  deliverance,  but 
by  the  death  of'  the  commander-in-chief.  Antonio 
Villefa^oa,  a  private  soldier,  bold,  intri^ing.  and 
devo:oc.v  attached  to  Velasques.  artfully  fomented 
the  disai^ectMHi.  His  quartern  became  the  rendez- 
vous of  file  malcontents,  where  the  plan  was  ma- 
tnred,  tiie  officers  nonr.nated  for  the  command  of 
the  army  in  case  of  success,  and  even  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  spoil  allotted.  The  conspirators  boand 
tbemsehres  to  fidelity  by  the  most  solemn  oaths. 
But  on  the  eve  before  tlie  appointed  day.  one  of 
Cortes*  ancient  followers,  who  had  been  seduced 
into  the  conspiracy,  repented,  and  betrayed  it  to 
Ac  GcncnL  He  repaired  instantly  to  Villefagnas- 
quarters,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  trusty  offi- 
cers and  seized  me  astounded  traitor,  from  whose 
bosom  he  tore  a  paper  containing  the  particulars  of 
the  conspiracy,  signed  by  himselt  Impatient  to 
know  the  extent  of  the  defection,  Cortes  retired  to 
read  it  He  found  there  names  which  filled  him 
v\-ith  surprise  and  sorrow:  but  aware  that  a  strict 
scrutiny  might  prove  dangerous  at  this  juncture, 
he  conJfineiT  his  judicial  enquiries  to  Villefagna 
alone.  The  proofs  of  his  guilt  were  manifest,  and 
on  the  judgment  of  a  court,  summoned  for  the 
occadon,  he  was  hanged.  Many  throbbing  bosoms 
were  present  at  this  execution:' but  the  admirable 
16* 


174  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

prudence  of  the  General  stilled  their  beatings,*bj 
the  politic  declaration,  that  the  names  of  the  other 
conspirators  were  unknown  to  him,  that  the  traitor 
at  the  moment  of  arrest,  had  torn  and  swallowed 
a  paper,  which  probably  contained  them,  and  that 
he  possessed  such  constancy  as  to  conceal  the 
names  of  his  accomplices  under  the  severest  tor- 
tures. This  wise  dissimulation  enabled  him  to 
protect  himself  against  the  disaffected,  whilst  they, 
nattering  themselves  that  their  guilt  was  unknown, 
became  active  and  zealous  in  liis  service,  to  avert 
suspicion.* 

XXIII.  Upon  a  review  of  the  army  and  its 
equipment,  there  appeared  eighty-six  horses,  and 
more  than  eight  hundred  infantry;  fifty  thousand 
Tlascalans  under  the  command  of  Xicotencatl  and 
Chichimecatl,  both  young  and  aspiring  command- 
ers, but  not  alike  affected  to  the  Spanish  cause; 
and  other  auxiliaries  from  various  tribes,  making 
the  whole  amount  of  the  Indian  force,  more  than 
two  hundred  thousand  men;t  one  thousand  Castil- 
ian  pounds  of  gunpowder;  three  battering  cannon, 
of  iron,  and  fifteen  smaller  ones  of  brass,  with  an 
abundant  supply  of  balls.  On  May  20th,  Cortes  class- 
ed and  distributed  this  immense  force,  and  appointed 
its  commanders.  One  division  destined  to  advance 
on  Mexico  by  the  dyke  of  Tepejacac,  was  given  to 
Sandoval;  another,  directed  to  proceed  by  Tlaco- 
pan,  was  commanded  by  Alvarado;  and  a  third, 
under  De  Olid,  was  instructed  to  possess  itself  of 
the  road  of  Cojohuacan.  Cortes  reserved  for  him- 
self, in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  captains 
and  soldiers,  as  the  station  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance and  danger,  the  conduct  of  the  brigantines, 

•  Solig.  B.  Diaz.  Herrera.  Robertson.  Clavigero. 
t  This  computation  is  that  of  Alfonso  d'Qjeda,  their  immedi- 
ate commander.— Clavigero. 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  175 

each  armed  with  one  small  cannon,  and  manned  bj 
twentj-five  Spaniards. 

An  event  occurred  at  this  time,  which  strongly 
pourtrajs  the  prompt,  resolute  and  uncompromising 
character  of  Cortes.  AVhilst  the  Tlascalan  troops 
were  on  the  march  to  the  post  assigned  them,  it 
was  discovered  that  Xicotencatl,  their  commander- 
in-chief,  had  deserted  them.  The  cause  of  his 
withdrawal  is  variously  reported.  According  to 
Clavigero,  it  was  disgust  at  maltreatment  of  a  re- 
lative by  a  Spanish  soldier;  but  Diaz  ascribes  his 
desertion,  to  an  opportunity  which  was  now  afforded 
him,  of  seizing  the  possessions  of  his  colleague 
Chichimecatl,  and  his  hatred  of  the  Spaniards. 
Upon  the  information  of  Chichimecatl,  Cortes  des- 
patched several  chieftains  to  request  his  return. 
He  replied,  that  had  his  father,  and  the  other 
princes  of  Tlascala  pursued  his  advice,  the  na- 
tion would  not  now  be  the  slaves  of  a  handful  of 
foreigners;  whom  he  would  no  longer  serve. 
Cortes  sent  a  party  of  horse  and  other  Tlas- 
calan chiefs,  with  orders  to  arrest  the  fugitive 
and  hang  him  instantly;  which  were  punctually 
obeyed,  in  a  small  town  belonging  to  Tezcu- 
co.  His  death  was  publicly  proclaimed  as  the  re- 
ward of  desertion  and  sedition.  His  countrymen 
w^ere  much  intimidated  by  the  boldness  of  the  act, 
which  also  had  a  good  eftect,  in  restraining  the  irre- 
gularity of  the  native  troops.  His  family  and  pro- 
perty were  confiscated  to  the  king  of  Spain.  In 
the  first,  w  ere  his  thirty  wives;  and  in  the  last  a  large 
quantity  of  gold. 

XXIV.  As  Alvarado  and  Olid  proceeded  to- 
wards their  posts  they  broke  down  the  acque- 
ducts  of  Chalpotepec,  and  thereby  deprived  the 
city  ot  Mexico  of  fresh  water.  The  towns  to 
which  they  were  respectively  ordered  had  been 
deserted  by  their  inhabitants,    who  fled  to  the 


176  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA-  CH.   V. 

capital,  where  Quauhtimotzin  had  collected  the 
chief  force  of  the  empire.  Before  their  separation, 
however,  those  commanders  made  a  joint  attempt 
to  force  one  of  the  passes  across  the  dvke  of  Tla- 
copan,  from  which  thev  were  driven  VN-ith  conside- 
rable loss.  In  the  mean  time,  Cortes  made  trial 
of  his  navy  in  aiding  Sandoval  in  a  second  assault 
on  Iztapalapan.  The  vessels  ran  upon  the  base  of 
a  small  conical  hill  which  rises  from  the  lake,  and 
which  was  now  covered  with  foes,  all  of  whom 
perished  under  the  Spanish  sword;  not,  however, 
before  a  signal  had  been  made  summoning  an  im- 
mense fleet  of  boats,  which  rowed  boldly  to  the 
charge,  whilst  the  brigantines,  becalmed,  could  not 
advance  to  meet  them.  But  a  breeze  soon  after 
springing  up,  the  sails  were  spread,  and  the  Span- 
ish barks  broke  through  the  lines  of  the  canoes 
with  ease,  oversetting  some  and  dispersing  others 
with  signal  slaughter.*  Sandoval  captured  Izta- 
palapan, and  thence  proceeded  to  Tepejacac. 

XXV.  From  that  time,  Cortes  remained  master 
of  the  lake:  and  the  brigantines  not  onlv  preserved 
a  communication  between  the  Spaniards  in  their 
different  and  distant  stations,  but  were  employed  to 
cover  the  causeways  and  keep  off  the  canoes  when 
they  attempted  to  annoy  the  troops  as  they  advanced 
towards  the  city.  He  formed  the  vessels  into 
three  divisions,  appointing  one  to  each  of  the  sta- 
tions, whence  an  attack  was  to  be  made  against  the 
citv,  with  orders  to  second  the  operations  of  the 
oMcer  in  command.  Before  this  disposition  was 
made  of  the  fleet,  he  successfully  led  it  to  the  at- 
tack of  the  position  called  Xoloc,  at  the  junction 
of  the  dykes  leading  from  Cojohuacan  and  Tlaco- 
pan;  the  most  desirable  point  for  offence,  from 
which  he  could  speedily  communicate  with   two 

•  B,  Diaz.     Soli 3,  Clari^ro.  RobertsoiL 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  177 

main  divisions  of  his  army,  and  where  he  soon  af- 
terwards established  a  fourth. 

From  these  points  he  pushed  on  the  attack 
against  the  city  with  equal  vigour;  but  in  a  manner 
so  different  from  the  usual  conduct  of  sieges  in  re- 
gular war,  that  he  himself  seems  afraid,  that  it 
would  appear  no  less  improper  than  singular,  to 
persons  unacquainted  with  his  situation.  Each 
morning  his  troops  assaulted  the  barricades,  which 
the  enemy  had  erected  on  the  causeways,  forced 
their  way  over  the  trenches  which  they  had  dug, 
and  through  the  canals  where  the  bridges  were 
broken  down,  and  endeavoured  to  penetrate  into 
the  heart  of  the  city,  in  hopes  of  obtaining  some 
decisive  advantage,  which  might  force  the  enemy 
to  surrender,  and  terminate  the  war  at  once:  but 
when  the  obstinate  valour  of  the  Mexicans  rendered 
the  efforts  of  the  day  ineffectual,  the  Spaniards  re- 
tired in  the  evening  to  their  former  quarters.  Thus 
their  toil  and  danger  were  in  a  measure  continually 
renewed;  the  one  party  repairing  at  night  what  the 
other  destroyed  in  the  day.  Dr.  Robertson  ob- 
serves, that  Cortes  preser\^ed  this  plan  of  opera- 
tions for  a  month,  from  unwillingness  to  expose  his 
handful  of  men  by  a  lodgement  within  the  city, 
and  that  he  was  extremely  desirous  to  preserve  the 
city,  as  the  capital  of  his  conquests  and  a  monu- 
ment of  his  glory.  But,  in  truth,  he  had  no  choice. 
The  Mexicans  in  their  defence  displayed  valour 
not  at  all  inferior  to  that  of  the  Spaniards;  and  when 
the  disparity  of  weapons  and  science  is  considered,  a 
fortitude  still  more  admirable.  On  land,  on  water, 
by  night,  and  by  day,  one  furious  conflict  succeed- 
ed to  another.  From  the  description  of  one  of 
these  attacks  we  may  judge  of  others.  On 
the  third  day  after  Cortes  had  obtained  the  com- 
mand of  the  lake,  he  made  the  first  attempt  to  pene- 
trate the  city.     The  greater  part  of  his  cavalry, 


178  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  QH.   V. 

three  hundred  infantry  and  an  innumerable  host  of 
allies,  attended  by  seven  brigantines,  issued  from 
the  point  of  Xoloc.  The  troops  found  the  ditches 
opened,  and  entrenchments  thrown  up,  behind 
"vvhich,  appeared  the  enemy,  well  prepared  to  meet 
them.  The  foe  however  was  driven  in,  the  obsta- 
cles surmounted,  and  the  Spaniards  reached  the 
principal  square  of  Tenochtitlan;  but  Cortes  would 
not  suffer  them  to  proceed  further,  whilst  the  ditch- 
es and  the  trenches  still  subsisted.  Thousands  of 
the  allies  were  engaged  in  filling  the  one  and  de- 
molishing the  other;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  parties 
were  employed  in  setting  fire  to  the  temples,  pala- 
ces and  principal  dwellings,  and  among  others  that 
in  which  the  Spaniards  lately  resided,  and  the  cele- 
brated palace  of  birds  of  Montezuma.  This  work 
of  destruction  was  carried  on  amid  incessant  com- 
bat; ajid  the  retreat  was  attended  with  the  same  la- 
bour and  peril  as  had  accompanied  the  advance. 
Similar  enorts  were  made  by  Sandoval  and  Alvara- 
do  in  tlieir  quarters.  On  the  next  day  Cortes  issued 
forth  early  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
Mexicans  from  re-opening  the  ditches  and  raising 
the  ramparts;  but  he  found  those  labours  accom- 
plished and  the  enemy  again  prepared  to  defend 
them.  In  these  conflicts  several  Spaniards  were 
killed,  more  were  wounded,  and  all  were  ready  to 
sink  under  the  toils  of  unintermitting  service,  ren- 
dered more  intolerable  by  the  injuries  of  the  season; 
the  periodical  rains  having  now  set  in  with  their 
usual  violence.* 

The  Spanish  officers  and  soldiers  wearied,  at 
length,  with  so  many  fruitless  combats,  earnestly 
conjured  the  General  to  unite  all  his  forces  in  one 
decisive  blow,  which  might  terminate  their  perils 
and  their  labours.     They  proposed  to  penetrate  to 

•  Clavigero.    Robertson. 


CH.   V.  MEXICO.  179 

the  centre  of  Tlatelolco,  where  the  great  body  of 
the  Mexican  warriors  was  assembled,  and  by  one 
bold  eftbrt,  either  to  destroy  or  compel  them  to  ca- 
pitulate. Cortes,  who  well  knew  the  danger  of  the 
attempt,  yielded  reluctantly  to  their  counsel.  He 
sent  instructions  to  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  to  ad- 
vance with  their  divisions  to  a  general  assault^  and 
marched  himself  with  twenty-five  horses,  a  portioi 
of  the  infantry,  and  more  than  one  hundred  thou- 
sand allies.  Animated  by  his  presence  and  the  ex- 
pectation of  some  decisive  event,  the  Spaniards 
pushed  forward  with  irresistible  impetuosity.  Tliey 
broke  through  one  barricade  after  another,  forced 
their  way  over  ditches  and  canals,  and  having  en- 
tered the  city  gained  ground  incessantly,  in  spite 
of  the  multitude  and  ferocity  of  their  opponents. 
Notwithstanding  the  rapidity  of  his  progress  Cortes 
did  not  forget  to  provide  for  retreat;  and  appointed 
Julien  de  Alderete,  the  king's  treasurer,  and  a  cap- 
tain of  chief  note  in  the  troops  he  had  received  from 
Hispaniola,  to  fill  up  the  breaches  in  the  causeway 
as  the  main  body  advanced.  That  officer  deeming 
it  inglorious  to  be  thus  employed,  whilst  his  com- 
panions were  in  the  career  of  victory,  neglected 
this  important  duty  to  mingle  with  the  combatants. 
Quauhtimotzin  was  immediately  informed  of  this 
omission,  and  was  aware  of  the  consequences  of 
tlie  error,  of  which,  with  admirable  presence  of 
mind,  he  prepared  to  take  advantage.  He  com- 
manded the  troops  posted  in  front  to  slacken  their 
eflbrts,  to  allure  the  Spaniards  on,  whilst  he  des- 
patched a  large  body  of  chosen  warriors,  some  by 
land  and  others  by  water,  towards  a  great  breach 
in  the  causeway,  which  had  thus  been  left  open. 
Suddenly,  the  horn  of  the  god  Painalton  sounded, 
the  signal,  well  understood,  of  victory  or  death;  and 
every  Mexican  rushed  upon  the  enemy  with  the 
most  desperate  valour.    The  shock  was  irresistible. 


180  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  (^.  V. 

before  which  the  Spaniards  began  to  retire,  first, 
leisurely  and  in  good  order,   but,   as  the  enemy 
pressed  on,  and  their  own  impatience  of  escape  in- 
creased, the  terror  and  confusion  became  so  gene- 
ral, that  when  they  arrived  at  the  gap  in  the  cause- 
way, Spaniards  and  Indians, horsemen  and  footmen, 
plunged   in    promiscuously?    while   the   Mexicans 
rushed  upon  them  fiercely  from  every  side,  their 
light  canoes  carrying  them  through  'shoals  which 
the  brigantines  could  not  approach.     In  vain  did 
Cortes  attempt  to  stop  and  rally  his  flying  troops; 
and  he  laboured  to  save  some  of  those  who  had 
thrown    themselves    into  the   water.     But   whilst 
thus  employed,  with  more  attention  to  their  situa- 
tion than  his  own,  six  Mexican  captains,  suddenly 
seized  ham,  and  were  hurrying  him  off  in  triumph; 
and  though  two  of  his  officers  rescued  him  at  the 
expense   of  their  own  lives,   he  received  several 
dangerous  wounds  before  he  could   break   loose. 
Above  sixty  Spaniards  perished  in  the  route;  and 
still  more  afflictive,  forty   of  them  fell  alive  into 
the  hands  of  an  enemy  never  known  to  spare  a  cap- 
tive.    The  other  divisions  were  also  repelled  after 
a  severe  sti-uggle,  but  having  been  more  careful  to 
preserve  the  means  of  retreat,  sustained  less  injury. 
In  this  attack  the  whole  loss  exceeded  eighty  men. 
The  approach  of  night  delivered  the  Spaniards 
from  the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  but  brought  a  grie- 
vance, scarce  less  tolerable,  the  noise  of  their  bar- 
barous triumph  and  the  horrible  festival  with  which 
they  celebrated  the  victory.     Every  quarter  of  the 
city  was  illuminated;  the  sxeat  temple  shone  with 
such  peculiar  splendour,  that  the  Spaniards  could 
plainly  see  the  people  in  motion,  and  the  priests 
busy  in  hastenino;  the  preparations  for  the  death  of 
the  prisoners.      Through  the  gloom,   they   fancied 
that  they  discerned  their  companions  as  tliey  were 
stripped^  naked  and  compelled  to  dance  before  the 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  181 

image  of  the  god  to  whom  they  were  to  be  oftered. 
They  heard  the  shrieks  of  those  who  were  sacrificed, 
and  thouglit,  that,  they  could  distinguish  each  un- 
happy victim,  by  the  well  known  sound  of  his 
voice.  Imagination  added  to  what  they  saw  or 
heard,  and  augmented  its  horror. 

Cortes,  who  besides  the  common  grief,  was  op- 
pressed with  that  peculiar  to  his  station,  could 
not  like  others  relieve  his  mind  by  giving  vent  to 
his  an2:uish.  He  was  obliged  to  assume  an  air  of 
tranquillity  in  order  to  revive  the  spirit  and  hopes 
of  his  followers.  The  juncture  indeed  required  an 
extraordinary  exertion  of  fortitude.  The  Mexicans 
elate  with  victory,  sallied  out  next  morning  to  at- 
tack his  quarters  with  more  than  their  usual 
courage.  But  they  did  not  rely  on  the  efforts  of 
their  own  arms  alone.  They  sent  the  heads  of  the 
Spaniards  whom  they  had  sacrificed, to  the  chiefs 
of  the  adjacent  provinces,  with  assurances  that 
HuitzUopochtli,  appeased  by  the  blood  of  the  inva- 
ders, which  had  been  so  plentifully  shed  upon  his 
altars,  had  declared  with  an  audible  voice,  that  in 
eight  days  time  those  hated  enemies  should  be 
finally  destroyed,  and  peace  and  prosperity  re- 
established in  the  empire. 

A  prediction  uttered  with  such  confidence  and 
so  void  of  ambiguity,  gained  universal  credit  among 
a  people  prone  to  superstition.  The  zeal  of  the 
provinces  which  had  already  declared  against  the 
Spaniards  augmented;  and  several  which  had  hi- 
therto remained  inactive,  took  arms  with  enthusias- 
tic ardour  to  execute  the  decree  of  the  gods.  The 
Indian  auxiliaries  of  Cortes,accustomed  to  venerate 
the  same  deities  as  theMexicans,and  to  receive  the 
responses  of  the  priests  with  the  same  implicit  faith, 
abandoned  the  Spaniards  as  men  devoted  to  cer- 
tain destniction.  Even  the  fidelity  of  the  Tiasca- 
lans  was  shaken,  and  the  Spanish  troops  were  left 
17 


182  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  V. 

almost  alone  in  their  stations.  Cortes,  unable  dlher- 
wise  to  dispel  the  fears  of  his  confederates,  took 
advantage  of  the  imprudence  of  the  prophets  in  li- 
miting so  closely  the  time  for  the  fulfilment  of  their 
prediction,  to  demonstrate  its  falsity,  bj  suspend- 
ing all  military  operations  against  the  city  during 
the  period  marked  out  by  the  oracle.  Under  cover 
of  the  brigantines,  which  kept  the  enemy  at  a  dis- 
tance, his  troops  lay  in  safety  notwithstanding  daily 
attacks,  and  the  fatal  term  expired  without  any  dis- 
aster. But  during  this  period,  Sandoval,  who,  on 
account  of  the  wounds  of  Cortes,  had  the  general 
command,  made  a  successful  excursion  against  the 
Matlatzincas,  one  of  the  most  warlike  tribes  of  the 
country,  and  the  Captain  Andrea  de  Tapia,  another, 
against  the  Malinalchese;  botli  of  which  tribes  soon 
after  joined  the  Spanish  standard.  The  Tlascalan 
General,  also,  selected  this  period  to  display  his 
own  and  his  peoples'  courage  by  an  attack  on  the 
city;  in  which  he  equalled  the  labour  of  the  Span- 
iards and  proudly  received  their  praises. 

XXVI.  When  the  falsity  of  the  prophecy  became 
apparent,  the  allies,  ashamed  of  their  credulity,  re- 
turned to  their  station.  And  other  nations,  inferring 
that  the  gods  had  finally  determined  to  withdraw 
tlieir  protection  from  the  Mexicans,  joined  the 
Spanish  standard.  The  force  of  Cortes  thus  be- 
came so  great,  that  Clavigero  assures  us,  he  might 
have  employed  in  the  siege  of  Mexico,  more  souls 
than  Xerxes  sent  against  Greece.  But  as  a  small 
portion  only  of  these  myriads  could  act  at  a  time, 
upon  the  narrow  causeways,  he  found  it  necessary 
to  change  his  plan  of  operations.  Don  Carlos,  as 
he  had  been  named  on  his  christian  baptism,  a 
younger  brother  of  Ixlilxochitl,  who  had  much  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  conduct  and  courage,  and 
who  had  greatly  contributed  to  the  safety  of  Cortes 
on  his  late  unfortunate  retreat,  had  suggested  to 


CH.  V.  MEXICO.  183 

him,  the  impolicy  of  his  exhausting  efforts;  whilst 
by  converting  the  siege  into  a  blockade,  he  might 
by  patience  alone  inevitably  reduce  the  city  and 
preserve  all  its  temples  and  other  beautiful  edifices. 
This  judicious  advice  was  partially  followed;  but 
Cortes  resolved  to  continue  his  attacks  upon  the 
city  by  gradual  advances,  and  raze  to  the  founda- 
tion such  portions  of  it  as  he  successfully  gained. 
Day  by  day  the  Mexicans  were  thus  forced  to  re- 
tire within  stricter  limits,  disputing  with  obstinate 
resolution  every  inch  of  ground.  The  Spaniards 
not  only  varied  the  mode  of  attack,  but  changed 
their  weapons;  adopting  the  Chinantlan  spear, 
whereby  they  repelled  with  less  danger  the  assault 
of  the  Mexicans.  Famine  now  began  to  prey  on 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  The  Spanish  vessels 
intercepted  the  supplies  by  water,  whilst  the  im- 
mense number  of  auxiliaries  shut  up  the  avenues 
by  land.  The  large  stores  which  the  king  had 
prudently  collected  were  exhausted  by  the  multi- 
tudes which  had  crowded  into  the  capital  for  its 
defence.  All  classes  felt  the  utmost  distress  from 
hunger,  and  their  sufferings  brought  on  their  usual 
concomitant,  infectious  and  mortal  distempers, 
which  filled  up  the  measure  of  their  woes. 

XXVII.  But,  under  the  pressure  of  so  many  and 
such  various  evils,  the  spirit  of  Quauhtimotzin  re- 
mained firm  and  unsubdued.  He  rejected,  by  the 
counsel  of  his  priests,  after  solemn  consultation 
with  them  and  his  nobles,  the  many  overtures  of 
peace  from  Cortes,  resolving  to  bury  himself  be- 
neath the  ruin  of  his  country  rather  than  submit  to 
foreign  oppressors.  That  ruin  was  visibly  hastened 
by  every  day's  operations  and  advanced  with  rapid 
strides.  The  women  and  the  children  covered  the 
streets  with  their  emaciated  and  dead  bodies.  The 
warrior,  enfeebled  by  hunger,  could  scarce  raise 
his  lightest  arms,  and  cursed  from  behind  his  en- 


184  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CII.  V. 

trenchment,  the  slow  progress  of  his  enemies*  the 
children  of  the  sun,  who,  unlike  their  parent,  could 
not  complete  their  course  in  a   single   day.     At 
length,*  the  three  divisions  penetrated  the  great 
square  in  the  centre  of  the  city  and  made  a  secure 
lodgement  there.     Three  fourths  of  tlie  city  were 
now  reduced,  and  in  ruins;  and  on  this  fatal  day 
forty  thousand  Mexicans   are  computed  to  have 
fallen,  chiefly  beneath  the  weapons  of  the  auxilia- 
ries, whose  rage  for  blood  no  eftbrt  of  Cortes  could 
allay.  The  remaining  quarter  was  so  closely  press- 
ed, that  it  could  not  lon^  withstand  the  assailants, 
who  attacked  it  from  their  new  station,  with  supe- 
rior advantage  and  more  assured  expectation  of  suc- 
cess.    The  Mexican  nobles,  solicitous  to  save  the 
life  of  Quauhtimotzin,  prevailed  on  him  to  retire 
from  a  place  where  resistance  was  now  vain,  that 
he    might    rouse  the   more   distant  provinces   to 
arms,  and  maintain  there,  a  more  successful  strug- 
gle with  the  enemy.     To  facilitate  his  departure, 
they  attempted  to  amuse  Cortes  with  overtures  of 
submission;  but  he,  suspecting  their  intention,  and 
aware  of  the  importance  of  preventing  it,  appoint- 
ed Sandoval,  on  whose  vigilance  he  could  most  re- 
ly, to  take  command  of  the  brigantines,  with  strict 
injunctions  to  watch  every  motion  of  the  enemy. 
Attentive  to  his  charge,  vSandoval  observing  some 
lar^e  canoes,  filled  with  people,  rowing  with  extra- 
ordmary  rapidity  across  the  lake,instantly,gave  the 
signal  to  chase.    Garcia  Holguin,  who  commanded 
the  swiftest  vessel,   soon  overtook  them,  and  was 
preparing  to  fire  on  the  foremost  canoe,  which  seem- 
ed to  carry  some  one  whom  all  the  rest  followed 
and  obeyed.     At  once,  the  rowers  dropped  their 
oars,  and  all  on  board,  throwing  down  their  arms 
conjured  Idm  not  to  kill  the  emperor.  Quauhtimot- 

•  July,  27th. 


CH.   V.  MEXICO.  185 

zin,  with  dignified  composure,  gave  himself  up  to 
the  captors,  requesting  the  only  grace,  that  no  in- 
sult might  be  offered  to  liis  wife  and  children.  The 
Spaniards,  struck  with  tlie  most  imposing  spectacle 
in  the  world,  tliat,  of  greatness,  after  exhausting 
its  power  of  resistance,  submitting  patiently  to  mis- 
fortune, treated  their  prisoner  with  profound  re- 
spect. When  conducted  to  Cortes,  he  appeared 
neitlier  with  the  sullen  fierceness  of  a  baibarian, 
nor  tlie  dejection  of  a  supplicant.  *'  I  have  done," 
said  he,  addressing  the  General,  "the  duty  of  a 
prince.  I  have  defended  my  people  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity. The  life  which  can  no  longer  avail  them 
is  unworthy  of  preservation.  The  only  boon  I 
crave  at  your  hands  is  a  stroke  of  tliis  dagger," 
laying  his  hand  on  tlie  weapon  of  Cortes,  '*  which 
may  end  it." 

XXVIII.  As  soon  as  the  fate  of  their  sovereign 
was  known,  the  resistance  of  the  Mexicans  ceased, 
and  Cortes  took  possession  of  the  small  pai't  of  the 
capital  which  remained  undestroyed.*  Thus  ter- 
minated the  siege  of  Mexico;  the  most  memorable 
event  in  the  conquest  of  America.  It  continued 
seventy-five  days,  scarce  one  of  wliich  passed  with- 
out some  extraordinary  effort  of  attack  and  defence. 
The  slaughter  and  misery  attending  it  has  scarce 
been  surpassed.  *'What  I  am  going  to  mention  is 
truth,"  says  the  naive  Bernal  Diaz,  *'and  I  say  amen 
to  it.  I  have  read  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
but  I  cannot  conceive,  that  the  mortality  there  ex- 
ceeded that  of  Mexico;  for  all  tlie  people  from  the 
distant  provinces  which  belonged  to  tliis  empire, 
concentrated  themselves  here,  where  they  mostly 
died.  The  streets,  the  squares,  the  houses,  and 
the  courts  of  Tlatelolco,  were  covered  with  dead 
bodies;  we  could  not  step  without  treading  on  them; 

*  August  13, 1621. 


186  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   V. 

the  lake  and  canals  were  filled  with  lliem;*and 
the  stench  was  intolerable.  For  this  reason  our 
troops,  immediately  after  the  capture  of  the  royal 
family,  retired  to  their  former  quarters;  Cortes 
himself  was  for  some  time  ill  from  the  efi'ect  of  it.*' 

As  the  struggle  here  was  more  obstinate,  it  was 
likewise  more  equal,  than  any  between  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  old  and  new  world.  The  ability  of 
Quauhtimotzin,  tlie  number  of  his  troops,  the  pe- 
culiar situation  of  his  capital  so  far  counterbalanced 
the  superiority  of  the  Spaniards  in  arms  and  disci- 
pline, that  without  the  aid  of  the  natives  they  could 
not  have  accomplished  their  enterprise.  But  the 
assistance  of  the  auxiliaries  does  not  in  our  opinion 
detract  from  the  merit  of  Cortes.  He  entered 
upon  a  large  and  populous  empire  witli  five  hun- 
dred men,  unacquainted  with  the  language,  man- 
ners, customs,  and  country.  He  had  by  the  force 
of  his  genius,  and  the  good  fortune  which  that  ge- 
nius knew^  how  to  use,  penetrated  the  polity  of  the 
several  nations,  converted  their  jealousies  and  dis- 
sentions  into  tlie  most  efficient  weapons  a^inst 
themselves  and  for  the  promotion  of  liis  own  inter- 
ests, and  had  finally  subverted  the  thrones  of  the 
chief  states  of  Anahuac  in  despite  of  some  notable 
imprudences  and  severe  reverses. 

The  fate  of  Mexico  is  another  lesson  on  the  fra- 
gility of  power  sustained  only  by  force.  But  sub- 
tracting from  the  Mexican  people  their  horrid 
superstition, — their  noble  defence  of  the  city, 
their  active  courage,  admirable  fortitude  and  con- 
stancy, and  their  courtesy  give  an  elevation  to 
their  character  not  inferior  to  that  of  their  enemies, 
and  confute  the  calumnies  of  historians,  who  liave 
for  years  deprived  them  of  the  honors  they  so  truly 
merit 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  187 


CHAPTER  VI. 

I.  Disappointment  of  the  Spaniards  in  relation  to 
the  treasure  found  in  Mexico "••II.  Torture  of 
Quauhtimotzin  and  the  king  of  Tlacopan-*- 'III. 
Genera!  submission  of  the  provinces  ••  ••YV.  Chris- 
topher de  Tapia  appointed  to  supercede  Cortes — 
is  induced  to  return  to  St.  Dojningo^^^-Y.  The 
proceedings  of  Cortes  are  confirmed  by  the  Gero- 
nymitefathers — He  sends  new  deputies  to  Spain — 
7s  appointed  Captain  General  and  Governor  of 
3Iexico-'*^'Vl.  His  measures  to  consolidate  his 
conquest^ •••\ll.  Subjection  of  the  kingdom  of 
Mechoacan^  •  •  •  VIII.  Cortes  proposes  to  make  dis- 
coveries in  the  Southern  ocean* •••IX.  Conquests 
of  Sandoved^^'^X.    Of  Guatemala  by  Alvarado. 

•  •••XI.  Enterprise  of  De  Garay — Conquest  of 
Panuco  by  Cortes* •••Xl\.  Barbarous  execution 
perpetrated  by  Saiidoval at  Panuco ••••Xlll.  Ex- 
pedition of  De  Olid  to  Hoiuluras^ --XIY.  Of 
Gil  Gonzales  D\^vila*^^'XY.  Discovery  of 
Nicaragua^  •••XYl.   Gonzales  enters  Honduras. 

•  •••XVII.     He  prepares   a  new   expedition^*** 

XVIII.  Enterprise  of  Francisco  Hernandez  to 
Cordova,  imder  the  direction  of  Fedrarias^*** 

XIX.  Conflict  betiveen  Hernandez  and  Gonzales. 

•  •••XX.  Hernandez  is  put  to  death  by  Fedrarias, 

•  •••XXI.  Las  Casas  is  sent  by  Cortes  to  punish 
the  defection  of  de  Olid— Death  of  de  Olid***' 
XXII.  Resolution  of  Cortes  to  proceed  to  Hondtc- 
ra5.^.. XXIII.  State  of  Mexico^***XXlY.  Pre- 
parations of  Cortes  for  his  journey ****XXY, 
Present  from  Cortes  to  the  Emperor •***XXY\, 
His  journey  to  Honduras*  •••XXY II.  He  puts 
Quauhtimotzin  and  the  other  Indian  kings  to 
death ....  XX  V 1 1 1.  His  proceedings  at  Honduras. 


188  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

•  •••XXIX.  Dissensions  in  Mexico- '"XXX.  In- 
decision of  Cortes — His  return  to  Mexico.    • 

I.  The  exultation  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  cap- 
ture of  the  city  was  excessive,  but  was  soon  allayed 
by  the  disappointment  of  those  hopes  which  had 
sustained  them  through  so  many  labours  and  dan- 
gers. The  whole  of  the  treasure,  they  were  ena- 
bled to  collect,  amounted  only  to  one  hundred  and 
thirty  thousand  pesos;  a  sum  much  inferior  to  that, 
which  they  had  formerly  divided.  Quauhtimotzin, 
unable  to  defend  his  kingdom  and  his  treasures, 
resolving  that  his  conquerors  should  not  possess  the 
latter,  had  caused  the  remnant  of  the  wealth  amass- 
ed by  his  ancestors  to  be  thrown  into  the  lake;  and 
the  Indian  auxiliaries,  whilst  the  Spaniards  were 
engaged  in  conflicts  with  the  enemy,  had  carried 
off  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  spoil.  Hence, 
the  sum  to  be  divided  among  the  soldiers  was  so 
small,  that  many  rejected  it  with  disdain;  all  mur- 
mured; some  against  Cortes  and  his  confidants, 
whom,  they,  not  without  cause,  suspected  of  having 
secretly  appropriated  to  their  own  use  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  riches  which  should  have  been  brought 
into  the  common  stock — others  against  Quauhtimot- 
zin, whom  they  accused  of  obstinacy  in  refusing  to 
discover  the  place  where  he  had  cast  his  treasure.* 

II.  Every  effort  of  the  General  to  soothe  the 
angry  soldiers,  proving  vain,  he,  from  a  solicitude 
to  check  the  growing  spirit  of  discontent,  gave  way 
to  a  deed,  which  stained  the  glory  of  all  his  great 
actions.  Regardless  of  the  former  dignity  of 
Quauhtimotzin  and  the  reverence  due  to  the  vir- 
tues he  had  displayed,  he  subjected  the  emperor 
and  his  chief  minister  and  favorite  the  king  of  Tla- 
copan  to  torture,  in  order  to  compel  a  discovery  of 

•  Bemal  Diaz.  Solis.   Herrera,  Robertson. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  189r 

the  subtracted  treasure.  The  soals  of  their  feet 
were  bathed  with  oil,  and  thej  were  suspended  over 
a  glowing  fire.  Quauhtimotzin  bore  this  refined 
torment  with  invincible  fortitude;  but  his  fellow 
sufferer  overcome  bj  the  violence  of  the  anguish, 
turned  his  eyes  upon  his  master  as  if  imploring  per- 
mission to  reveal  what  he  knew.  The  former,  with 
a  glance  of  authority  mingled  with  scorn,  asked, 
**  Am  I  reposing  on  a  bed  of  flowers?"  Overawed 
by  the  reproach,  the  favorite  persevered  in  his  du- 
tiful silence.  Cortes,  ashamed  of  a  scene  so  hor- 
rid, rescued  the  royal  victims  from  the  hands  of  the 
torturers,  and  prolonged  lives  reserved  for  new 
indignities  and  sufterings.* 

III.  The  fate  of  the  capital,  as  both  parties  had 
foreseen,  decided  that  of  the  empire.  The  provin- 

*  This  well  told  tale  is  from  Dr.  Robertson,  -who  adds,  that 
the  favorite  expired  under  toi-tiire,  but  does  not  give  us  his  au- 
thority for  the  statement.  It  is  -wholly  inconsistent  with  the  re- 
lation of  Bemal  Diaz,  -who  mentions  the  torture  of  tlie  king  of 
Mexico  and  \{\s  ^^  confidential  friend,^^  the.  king  of  Tacuba, 
(Tlacopan,)  at  the  instance  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  and  against 
the  wishes  of  Cortes.  But  neither  died  under  the  torture;  and 
both  confessed,  that  they  had,  four  days  previous  to  the  surrender 
of  the  city,  thrown  the  treasure  into  the  lake,  together  with  the 
arms  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Spaniards,  The  place  point- 
ed out  by  Quauhtimotzin  was  carefully  searched,  in  vain.  In  a 
deep  pond  at  his  palace,  was  found  a  sun  of  gold  similar  to  that 
presented  by  Montezuma  to  the  Spaniards,  with  many  ornaments 
of  inconsiderable  value,  his  private  property.  The  king  of  Ta- 
cuba declared,  that  he  had  gold  at  a  residence  near  his  ca])ital, 
and  that  he  would  point  out  the  spot  where  it  was  buried.  AVlien 
taken  there,  however,  he  averred  that  he  possessed  no  gold,  but 
had  made  the  assertion  in  hopes  that  he  might  die  upon  the 
road.  "  The  fact  is,"  continues  Diaz,  "  that  the  treasury  was 
diminished  to  a  mere  trifle  before  it  came  into  Quauhtimotzin's 
hands;  and  I,  and  many  others  who  saw  it  at  first,  knew  that  it 
appeared  to  be  then  worth  twice  what  it  was,  when  brought  out 
to  have  his  majesty's  share  deducted;  I  observed  many  articles- 
of  remarkable  and  cm-ious  workmanship  missing  at  that  time. 
77m?]/  -were  taken  for  tJie  public  service.  Most  ot  the  gold  went 
to  the  coffers  of  tlie  king  of  Spain,  in  exchange  for  prisoners 
purchased  by  the  soldiers  for  slaves. " 


190  HISTORT  OP  AMEHICA.  CH.  VI. 

ces  submitted  one  after  the  other  to  the  conquerors^ 
and  the  most  wealthy  were  apportioned  amon^  the 
principal  Spanish  officers  for  exploration.  The 
books  or  tribute  rolls  of  the  Mexican  kings  enabled 
them  to  learn  the  products  of  the  several  parts  of 
the  empire,  and  to  appreciate  with  tolerable  cor- 
rectness, the  wealth  that  might  be  drawn  from  them. 
No  mines  were  found  in  the  Vale  of  Mexico^  nor 
did  it  produce  the  valuable  articles  of  cacao  and 
cottony  the  countries  in  which  these  abounded  were 
the  first  objects  of  attention,  for  the  conquerors. 
In  emploving  his  officers  and  troops  in  these  expe- 
ditions, the  politic  General  rid  himself  of  those  who 
were  disposed  to  look  too  nearly  into  his  mea- 
sures. 

IV.  Whilst  Cortes  was  acquiring  such  extensive 
territories  for  his  native  country  and  preparing  the 
way  for  future  conquests,  he  was  not  only  destitute 
of  authority  from  his  sovereign,  but  was  regarded 
as  a  disobedient  and  seditious  subject.  The  affairs 
of  the  Indies  being  administered  in  Spain,  by  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  was  much  devoted  to  Velas- 
ques,  Portecarero  and  Montejo  were  very  coldly 
received  I  the  presents  they  brought,  were  delayed, 
and  the  letters  of  Cortes,  of  the  municipal  autho- 
rities of  Villa  Rica,  and  of  the  army  were  sup- 
pressed^ and  the  young  Charles,  then  resident  in 
Flanders,  was  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  enterprise 
and  merits  of  his  subjects.  By  the  influence  of 
Fonseca,  the  conduct  of  Cortes,  in  assuming  the 
Government  of  New  Spain,  was  declared  an  irre- 
gular usurpation  in  contempt  of  the  royal  authori- 
ty; and  Christopher  de  Tapia,  royal  inspector  of 
St.  Domingo  received  a  commission  empowering 
him  to  supercede  Cortes,  to  seize  his  person,  to 
confiscate  his  efiects,  to  make  a  strict  scrutiny  into 
his  proceedings,  and  to  transmit  the  result  of  all 
bis  inquiries  to  the  Council  of  tlie  Indies,  of  which 


en.  VI.  MEXICO.  191 

the  bishop  was  president.  A  few  weeks  after  the 
reduction  of  Mexico,  Tapia  landed  at  Vera  Cruz 
with  the  royal  mandate  to  strip  its  conqueror  of  his 
power,  and  to  treat  him  as  a  criminal.  Alvarado, 
then  Governor  of  the  town,  respectfully  declined 
to  acknowledge  his  commission,  but  referred  him 
to  Cortes,  who,  when  apprised  of  his  arrival,  re- 
called his  principal  officers  from  their  several  ex- 
f)editions,  and  commanded  them  to  meet  the  royal 
ieutenant  on  his  way  to  Mexico.  With  many 
compliments  and  much  ceremony,  they  persuaded 
him  to  go  to  Chempoalla;  where  having  verified  his 
commission  in  due  form,  they  placed  it  upon  their 
heads  in  token  of  respect  and  submission.  But, 
these  public  demonstrations  of  obedience  covered 
the  measures  which  Cortes  privately  took  to  defeat 
the  object  of  Tapia's  commission.  He  involved 
him  and  his  followers  in  a  multiplicity  of  negotia- 
tions and  conferences,  in  which  he  had  sometimes 
recourse  to  threats,  but  more  frequently  to  bribes 
and  promises,  and  at  length  prevailed  on  him  to 
abandon  a  province  he  was  incompetent  to  go- 
vern.* 

V.  Soon  after  the  departure  of  Tapia,  Alonza 
D'Avila,  whom  Cortes  had  sent  to  Saint  Domingo, 
after  the  defeat  of  Narvaez,  in  order  to  make  a  fa- 
vorable impression  of  his  views  on  the  royal  com- 
missioners, the  Geronymite  Friars,  returned  with 
their  sanction  of  his  proceedings.  But  still  the 
tenure  by  which  he  held  his  power  was  too  pre- 
carious to  permit  him  to  remain  at  ease;  and  he  re- 
solved to  send  D'Avila,  and  Anthony  de  Quinones 
to  Spain,  with  a  pompous  account  of  his  conquests, 
further  specimens  of  the  productions  of  the  country, 
and  rich  presents  to  the  king;  requesting  in  recom- 
pense for  his  services,  the  royal  approbation  of  his 

•  May  15,  1622 


10^2  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

conduct  and  the  government  of  the  country  which 
lie  and  his  followers  had  added  to  the  crown  oT  Cas- 
tile. His  agents  left  Vera  Cruz  on  the  20th  of  De- 
cember; but  stopping  at  Teccra,  Quinoncs  lost  his 
lite  in  a  duel,  growing  out  of  some  amatory  intrigue. 
In  the  voyage  thence  to  Europe,  D'Avila,  with  his 
ship  and  treasure,  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  French 
privateer,  and  was  carried  to  France;  and  though 
no  war  actually  existed,  the  French  monarch  con- 
fiscated the  treasure,  as  a  small  portion  of  his  in- 
terest in  the  world  which  Spain  and  Portugal  had 
divided  between  them.  D'Avila,  however,  found 
means  to  communicate  with  his  friends  in  Spain, 
and  De  Ordaz  and  the  rehitives  of  Cortes,  succeed- 
ed in  making  a  favorable  impression  for  the  Gene- 
ral, at  Court.  The  juncture  was  particularly  au- 
spicious. The  internal  commotions  in  Spain,  which 
had  disquieted  the  commencement  of  Charles' 
reign,  were  just  appeased.  The  ministers  had 
leisure  to  turn  their  attention  to  foreign  affairs.  The 
account  of  Cortes'  victories  filled  his  countrymen 
with  admiration.  The  extent  and  value  of  his  con- 
quests, were  subjects  of  vast  interest.  The  stain 
he  had  contracted  by  the  mode  in  which  he  acquired 
power,  was  eftaced  by  the  splendid  and  meritorious 
use  he  had  made  of  it,  and  the  public  mind  revolt- 
ed at  the  idea  of  censure  on  one  whose  services  en- 
titled him  to  tiie  highest  marks  of  distinction. 
Charles  who  at  this  tiuie  arrived  in  Spain,  adopted 
the  opinions  of  his  subjects;  and  notwithstanding  the 
claims  of  Velasques  and  the  partial  representations 
of  the  Bisliop  of  13urgos,he  appointed  Cortes,  Captain 
General  and  Governor  of  New  Spain;  judging  that 
no  one  could  so  well  maintain  the  royal  authority, 
and  establish  order  among  his  Spanish  and  Indian 
subjects,  as  he,  whom  the  one  had  long  been  accus- 
tomed to  obey,  and  the  other  to  dread  and  respect* 
*  Robertson,    JUcmal  Diaz.     HeiTcra. 


CH.   VI.  MEXICO.  193 

VI.  Even  before  his  jurisdiction  received  this 
legal  sanction,  Cortes  ventured  to  exercise  the  pow- 
er it  conferred;  and  by  various  arrangements  en- 
deavoured to  render  his  conquest,  a  secure  and  be- 
neficial acquisition  to  his  country.  He  determined 
to  establish  the  seat  of  Government  in  its  ancient 
station,  and  to  raise  Mexico  from  its  ruins;  and 
having  conceived  high  ideas  concerning  the  future 
grandeur  of  the  state  of  \vhicli  he  was  laying  the 
foundation,  he  began  to  rebuild  the  capital  on  a  plan 
which  has  gi'adually  formed  one  of  the  most  magni- 
ficent cities  of  the  New  World. 

In  this  labour  he  derived  much  aid  from  the  na- 
tives, particularly  those  of  Tezcuco,  who  were  ex- 
cellent mechanics  and  took  great  delight,  under  the 
direction  of  their  princes,  in  observing  and  acqui- 
ring tlie  use  of  the  iron  instruments  and  labour-sa- 
ving machines  of  the  Spanish  artisans.  The  great 
piety  of  Cortes  and  his  followers,  directed  their 
first  attention  to  the  erection  of  churches,  and  in 
their  unenlightened  zeal,  they  used  in  some  instan- 
ces, especially,  in  the  great  church,  the  idols  of 
stone  which  had  filled  the  Mexican  temples,  for  the 
foundations.  The  fame  of  the  works  in  the  city, 
and  the  encouragement  given  to  settle  there,  at- 
tracted so  many  people,  that  provisions  became 
scarce  and  pestilence  ensued.  More  than  one 
hundred  thousand  houses,  it  is  said,  were  erected 
in  a  wonderful  short  space  of  time,  among  which, 
those  in  the  Spanish  quarter  were  of  durable  mate- 
rials and  of  large  dimensions.  The  palace  erected 
by  Cortes  himself  has  been  much  celebrated  for  its 
extent  and  magnificence,  and  is  at  this  day  among 
the  most  conspicuous  buildings  of  the  city. 

At  the  same  time  he  employed  skilful  persons  to 
search  for  mines  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
and  opened  some,  richer  than  any  which  the  Span- 
iards had  hitherto  discovered  in  America.    He  des- 
18 


194  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

patched  his  principal  officers  into  the  remc^te  pro- 
vinces, and  encouraged  them  to  settle  there,  not 
only  by  bestowing  on  them  large  tracts  of  land,  but 
by  granting  them  the  same  dominion  over  the  In- 
dians and  the  same  right  to  their  service  which  the 
Spaniards  had  assumed  in  the  islands. 

VII.  In  his  eftbrts  to  extend  his  dominion,fortune 
continued  still  to  favor  the  Conqueror.  Whilst 
preparing  his  troops  for  incursions  into  various  parts 
of  the  country,  a  Spaniard,  who  with  several  others 
had  been  engaged  in  exploring  the  surrounding 
districts,  reported  his  discovery  of  the  kingdom  of 
Mechoacan,  which  bounded  the  dominions  of  Mexi- 
co on  the  west,  where  he  had  been  received  with 
great  hospitality.  Its  inhabitants  were  renowned 
in  Anahuac  for  their  skill  and  vigor  in  the  use  of 
the  bow;  and  inured  to  arms  had,  though  oversha- 
dowed by  the  Mexican  power,  preserved  their  inde- 
pendence. Their  territory  extended  over  a  space 
of  three  hundred  leagues;  the  capital  city  was 
founded  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  beautiful  lake 
Pazcuaro.  Though  not  remarkable  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest  for  its  mineral  weaUh,  some  of  the 
richest  mines  have  since  been  discovered  within  its 
bosom.  The  reigning  monarch,  Culcucin,  had  the 
reputation  of  a  wise, liberal,  and  powerful  prince. 
Cortes,  immediately,  despatched  an  embassy  com- 
posed of  a  certain  Captain  Montano  and  three  other 
Spaniards,  with  some  twenty  distinguished  Mexi- 
cans, to  his  Court.  They  were  met  on  the  way  by 
alar^e  and  splendid  deputation  from  the  king,wliich, 
in  his  name,  politely  congratulated  the  Castilians 
on  their  marvellous  victories;  but  when  they  arrived 
at  Court,  the  monarch  received  them  witli  a  frigid 
aspect  and  gravely  demanded,  what  cause  had  led 
them  to  his  dominions.  Under  the  influence  of  the 
barbarous  superstition  which  oppressed  tliis  whole 
country,  he  was  strongly  tempted  to  sacrifice  the 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  195 

strangers  as  victims  more  than  ordinarily  acceptable 
to  his  gods;  but  the  prudence  of  his  counsellors 
prevailed,  and  he  dismissed  the  embassadors,  not 
only  in  safety,  but  with  many  marks  of  honour  and 
valuable  presents.  ^Vith  them  he  also  sent  seve- 
ral of  his  most  distinguished  nobles,  whom  he  em- 
powered to  declare  himself  and  his  subjects  vassals 
of  the  Spanish  crown,  and  to  promise  that  he  would 
speedily  confirm  this  submission  in  person.  The 
gold  which  he  sent  to  Cortes  on  this  occasion,  be- 
side the  curious  gems  and  rich  manufactures  of  fea- 
thers and  cotton,  was  valued  at  one  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos.  His  messengers,  astonished  at  the  ma- 
jesty of  Cortes,  the  power  of  the  Spanish  army, 
and  the  monuments  of  its  prowess,  and  charmed  by 
the  attentions  they  received,  reported  so  favorably 
of  their  mission,  that  the  king  was  seized  with  the 
most  ardent  curiosity  to  behold  the  wonders  they 
described.  Whilst  preparations  were  being  made 
for  his  own  journey,  he  sent  his  brother,  who  was  dis- 
tinguished for  courage  and  conduct,  to  Mexico,  with 
additional  presents  and  further  protestations  of  sub- 
mission. Afterwards,  attended  by  a  magnificent 
train,  scarce  inferior  to  that  which  had  waited  on 
Montezuma,  he  himself,  with  offerings  still  more 
valuable  than  those  he  had  already  sent,  did 
homage  to  the  Spanish  General  for  his  dominions. 
Whilst  his  nobles  appeared  on  every  occasion  in 
the  richest  habiliments  and  adorned  with  jewels; 
the  prince,  in  token  of  his  respect  for  Cortes,  pre- 
sented himself  in  the  coarsest  apparel,  and  with  every 
mark  of  humility  usual  in  the  meanest  of  his  sub- 
jects. Yet,  in  his  intercourse  with  the  General  one 
circumstance  showed  the  high  sense  he  entertained 
of  his  own  dignity.  Montezuma,  haughty  as  he 
was,  did  not  hesitate  to  address  himself  directly  to 
the  interpreter  in  his  conversation  with  Cortes. 
But,  the  king  of  Mechoacan,  always  spoke  to  tho 


196  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

commander-in-chief  of  his  army,  who  comn^unica- 
ted  his  words  to  an  officer  of  minor  rank,  and  he 
to  one  still  lower,  until  through  many  moutlis,  they 
reached  the  interpreter,  wlio  explained  tliem  to 
Cortes.  Soon  after  the  king  liad  returned  to  his 
own  country,  he  was  followed  by  Olid  with  forty 
horsemen  and  one  hundred  infantry,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  possession  of  his  kingdom.  This 
officer  was  very  courteously  received  and  establish- 
ed the  first  colony  at  Tzinzunztan  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom.* 

VIII.  Cortes  in  common  with  all  the  chief  ad- 
venturers to  America  at  this  period,  believed  in  the 
proximity  of  the  East  Indies  to  the  western  shores 
of  this  continent;  and  his  active  mind,  ignorant  of 
the  successful  enterprise  of  Magellan,  be<i;an  alrea- 
dy to  form  schemes  for  this  important  discovery. 
Even  during  his  first  visit  to  Mexico  he  had  sent 
some  of  his  soldiers  to  explore  the  country  on  the 
South  Sea,  who,  when  he  had  been  driven  from  the 
city,  became  victims  to  the  barbarity  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  provinces.  As  Mechoacan  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  southern  ocean,  only  by  the  narrow 
district  of  Colima,  the  General  directed  Olid  to  re- 
duce the  latter  and  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the  coast. 
In  this  attempt  he  was  assisted  by  the  Mechoacanese, 
but  could  not  overcome  the  courageous  resistance 
of  the  inhabitants  without  the  aid  of  vSandoval,  at 
the  head  of  an  additional  Spanish  force.  Their 
joint  efforts  were  successful  after  a  horrible  slaugh- 
ter of  the  natives.  Some  Spanish  colonists  were 
established  in  the  province  of  Colima,  among 
whom  ample  portions  of  the  country  were  distribu- 
ted. But  the  favorite  object  of  Cortes  was  more 
especially  promoted  by  the  subjection  of  the  mari- 
time provinces  of  Zacatala  and  Tecoantepcc.  The 

•  Bcmal  Diaz,  Ilcrrera. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  197 

chief  of  the  latter  had  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Span- 
iards against  his  neighbour,  who  voluntarily  submit- 
ted to  Alvarado  the  commander  of  the  party.  The 
Tecoantepese  also  became  the  subject  of  those 
whom  he  had  inconsiderately  invited. 

IX.  Whilst  these  acquisitions  were  being  made 
in  the  west,  Sandoval,*  with  two  hundred  infantry, 
thirty-six  horse,  and  some  thousand  Mexicans  un- 
der their  chief  nobles,  made  an  excursion  towards 
the  south-east,  through  the  district  of  Tochtepec 
and  province  of  Coazahualco,  and  the  country  ex- 
tending from  Vera  Cruz  to  Teochiapan  and  Tza- 
poteca.  The  objects  of  this  march  were  Hie  pun- 
ishment of  the  Tochtepese  and  other  tribes,  who 
had  destroyed  some  small  parties  of  Spaniards, 
sent  to  explore  the  country  on  Cortes'  first  visit  to 
tlie  capital — to  search  for  mines — reduce  the  inhabi- 
tants fully  under  the  Spanish  dominion — levy  con- 
tributions of  gold — to  reward  the  veteran  soldiers 
by  allotments  of  extensive  portions  of  territory- 
all  of  which  with  much  prudence  and  ability  San- 
doval satisfactorily  eftected.  He  founded  the  town 
Del  Espiritu  Santo,  upon  the  river  Guacacualco,  at 
the  distance  of  three  leagues  from  tlie  sea.  About 
the  same  period,  Alvarado  subjected  the  province 
of  Mixteca  and  part  of  Tzapoteca,  in  which  lie 
some  of  the  most  beautiful  portions  of  New  Spain; 
particularly  the  valley  of  Huaxyacac,  called  by  the 
Spaniards  Oaxaca,  or  Guaxaca.  He  was  forty  days 
on  his  march  from  jMexico  to  Tutepeque,  and  in 
many  places  met  with  considerable  resistance  from 
the  inhabitants.  He  obtained  here,  a  very  large 
quantity  of  gold,  but  escaped  narrowly  with  his 
life,  from  a  conspiracy  among  his  Spanish  troops, 
which  originated  in  his  own  avarice.  He  established  in 
a  very  unhealthy  and  inconvenient  position  a  colo- 

*  November,  1521. 
18^ 


198  IIISTOIIY   OP    AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

ny  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Segura  de  la  Fron- 
tera. 

X.  Soon  after  his  return  to  Mexico,  these  pro- 
vinces attempted  to  tlirow  off  the  yoke,  and  he  again 
overran  them;  and  marching  through  the  districts  ot 
Zapotecas,  Techoantcpec,  and  Soconusco  he  en- 
tered that  of  Guatemala.     As  in  almost  every  other 
part  of  the  country,  the  inhabitants  bravely  resisted, 
but  were  compelled  to  submission.  At  a  town  called 
Utatlan,  in  a  difficult  country  surrounded  with  de- 
files, an  Indian  chief,  with  a  policy  justified  in  the 
wars  of  civilized  nations,  attempted  to  deceive  the 
invader  by  propositions  of  peace,    whilst  he  pre- 
pared an  ambuscade  for  him  in  the  town,     Tlie  ar- 
tifice was  discovered,  and  the  cliief,  made  prisoner, 
was  condemned  to  be  burned  to  death.     Father 
Olmedo,  whose  zeal,  though  ardent,  was  tempered 
with  discretion,  obtained  a  respite  of  the  sentence 
and  permission  to  use  his  endeavours  to  convert 
him  to  the  faith.      He  preached  to  the  prisoner,  in 
what  language  we  are  not  told,  one  entire  dav,  and 
felt  himself  rewarded  by  the  conviction  that  he  had 
gained  a  soul  for  heaven.     In  humble  imitation  of 
the  mercy  of  the  founder  of  our  faith,  the  Father 
procured  a  commutation  of  the  sentence,  and  the 
chief  was  not  burned,  but  merely  hanged  to  death. 
His  victories  prepared  for  Alvarado  a  pacific  recep- 
tion in  the  town  of  Guatemala.     And  aided  by  the 
forces  of  tliis  province  he  carried  his  arms  further 
to  the  south  and  east,  warring  witii  many  tribes,  and 
perpetrating  innumerable  butclieries  to  which  the 
severity  of  his  disposition  incited  him. 

XI.  We  have  incidently  noticed  the  attempt  ot 
Francisco  de  Garay  to  establish  a  colony  at  Panu- 
GO.  But,  this  enterprise  merits  more  particu- 
lar attention,  for  the  contrast  it  affords  with  that  of 
Cortes,  and  the  relief  it  gives  to  that  genius,  to  which 
alone,  should  be  ascribed  tlic  conquest  of  Mexico. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  199 

De  Garay,  among  other  aspiring  adventurers,  had 
been  highly  excited  by  the  voyages  of  Cordova  and 
Grijalva;  and  having  already  acquired  much  wealth 
and  consideration  as  Governor  of  Jamaica,  he  re- 
solved to  make  a  strenuous  eftbrt  to  increase  both, 
in  the  newly  discovered  countries  of  the  continent. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos  he 
obtained  the  commission  of  Adelantado  of  the  re- 
gions he  should  discover  and  colonize  north  of  the 
river  Panuco.  He  soon  afterwards  despatched  a 
squadron  of  three  vessels,  with  two  hundred  and 
forty  soldiers,  who  were  defeated  by  the  natives. 
One  ship,  only,  escaped,  which  with  two  others, 
subsequently  sent,  fell,  as  we  have  seen,  into  the 
power  of  Cortes'  officers  at  Villa  Rica.  Yet,  sti- 
mulated by  the  success  of  that  General  and  disre- 
garding his  own  losses,  which  he  charged  to  the  in- 
capacity and  treachery  of  his  agents,  he  fitted  out 
a  fleet  of  thirteen  ships  in  which  he  embarked  one 
hundred  and  thirty-six  cavalry,  and  eight  hundred 
and  forty  foot  soldiers,  mostly  musqueteers  and 
cross-bowmen.  This  for  the  period,  and  the  means 
the  Spaniards  possessed  in  America,  was  a  very 
extensive  armament,  which  under  able  commanders 
might  have  produced  the  most  important  and  bene- 
ficial results. 

Cortes,  having  received  intelligence  of  Garay's 
designs,  resolved  to  anticipate  them  by  sending  a 
party  to  reduce  the  country  of  Panuco  under  his 
authority.  But,  the  inhabitants,  numerous  and  war- 
like, resisting  his  lieutenant  with  much  energy  and 
success,  and  his  most  experienced  captains  being 
absent  on  other  expeditions,  he  found  it  necessary 
to  take  this  enterprise  upon  himself.  His  forces 
had  now  received  very  considerable  additions,  as 
well  by  those  who  had  accompanied  Tapia  as  by 
many  arrivals  from  the  islands.  Leaving  an  effi- 
''ient  gai:ison  in  Mexico,  under  Diego  de  Soto, 


200  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   VI. 

he  set  out  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  horse,  two 
hundred  and  fifty  infantry,  and  ten  thousand  INIex- 
icans.  In  no  part  of  Anahuac  had  he  found  such 
resolute  opposition.  The  enemy  mustered  seventy 
thousand  warriors,  and  though  repeatedly  defeated, 
still  fought  witli  desperation,  but  finally  submitted, 
upon  the  exhortations  of  the  good  Father  Olmedo. 
From  Panuco,  the  General  marched  witli  a  portion 
of  his  troops  to  reduce  the  Indians  beyond  the  river 
Chila.  He  crossed  the  stream  in  the  night  and 
after  a  severe  struggle  on  the  bank,  against  a  large 
force,  possessed  himself  of  a  town,  plentifully 
stocked  with  provisions,  among  which  were  many 
jars  of  the  wine  of  the  country,  carefully  stored  in 
cellars.  In  the  temples  he  found  the  remains  of 
the  bodies  and  clothes  of  several  of  his  countrymen, 
whose  features  were  recognized  by  his  soldiers.  In 
a  subsequent  battle,  the  enemy  not  only  fought 
with  great  spirit  and  pertinacity 5  but  contrary  to 
the  custom  of  the  Indians,  rallied  no  less  than  three 
times  to  the  charge.  Unable  to  contend  against 
the  incessant  activity  of  the  General,  who  pursued 
them  during  the  darkness  of  the  night  and  the  hea- 
vy rains  of  the  season,  they  too  were  compelled  to 
submission.  Cortes  founded  a  town  here  of  one 
hundred  and  tliirty  houses,  where  he  settled  among 
others,  sixty-tliree  of  his  soldiers.  He  gave  to  it 
the  name  of  St.  Stephen  del  Puerto,  allotting  to  it 
all  the  neighbouring  districts  he  had  conquered. 

The  fleet  of  Garay  under  his  command  sailed 
from  Jamaica  on  St.  John's  day,  one  thousand  five 
hundred  and  twenty-three.  Touching  at  Xagua,  in 
the  island  of  Cuba,  he  received  information  of  the 
proceedings  of  Cortes.  The  fate  of  Narvaez  filled 
nim  with  apprehensions  for  his  own,  should  he  ob- 
trudeupon  the  jurisdiction  claimed  by  tliefonner;  but 
he  became  reassured  on  the  promise  of  the  licenciate 
Zuazo  to  meditate  between  himself  and  the  General. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  201 

Upon  approaching  the  coast  of  Mexico,  adverse  winds 
drove  his  fleet  into  the  river  Las  Palmas,  where  he  dis- 
embarked his  troops  and  marched  them  for  Panuco, 
Knowing  that  Cortes  had  a  post  on  the  former  river 
he  endeavoured  to  preserve  his  oQicers  and  troops 
against  seduction,  by  exacting  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  himself.  After  a  march  of  several  days  through 
a  swampy  and  uninhabited  country,  he  reached 
Panuco,  where  his  weary  and  impatient  troops  an- 
ticipated refreshment  and  repose.  But  the  incur- 
sions of  Cortes  had  wasted  the  country,  and  the 
terrified  inhabitants,  concealed  from  this  new  flight 
of  devourers  whatever  the  rapacity  of  the  first  had 
left  Instead  of  well  stocked  granaries,  his  sol- 
diers found  bare  walls,  which  afforded  no  defence 
against  the  reptiles  and  vermin  that  assailed  them 
in  every  corner.  He  could  obtain  no  tidings  of 
his  fleet  which  he  had  ordered  to  meet  him,  and  his 
soldiers  disgusted  witli  the  country  and  seduced  by 
the  favorable  reports  relating  to  Mexico,  began  to 
disband  themselves;  and  on  their  way  to  that  city, 
pillaged  and  otherwise  maltreated  the  natives. 

In  these  untoward  circumstances,  De  Garay  drew 
towards  the  colony  of  St.  Stephen's,  whose  com- 
mandant, Vallejo,  'made  prisoners  of  a  part  of  his 
troops;  and  afterwards,  by  stratagem,  obtained  pos- 
session of  his  ships,  which  had  continued  in  the  river. 
In  the  mean  time,  Cortes  apprized  of  his  arrival, 
despatched  Father  Olmedo,  Alvarado,  and  Sando- 
val, with  instructions  to  exhibit  the  emperor's  or- 
der, by  which  he  was  appointed  Governor  General 
of  all  his  conquests;  and  to  enforce  obedience,  if 
necessary,  by  arms.  But  De  Garay  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  resist.  His  followers,  contemning  his  inca- 
acity  and  ill  fortune,  generally  deserted  him;  and 
e  was  reduced  to  the  sad  and  mortifying  necessity 
of  casting  himself  upon  the  mercy  of  Cortes.  The 
Conqueror  not  only  received  him  at  Mexico  with 


I 


202  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

great  humanity,  but  consented  to  give  one  of  his 
daughters  to  Ue  Garay's  son  then  with  the  fleet, 
and  promised  to  restore  to  him  his  ships  and  his  fu- 
gitive soldiers.  But  he  did  not  live  to  profit  by 
these  kind  offers.  A  violent  pleurisy  carried  him 
off  in  four  days,  and  Cortes  was  subsequently,  and 
calumniously  charged,  with  having  produced  his 
death  by  poison.  This  event  dissolved  what  re- 
mained of  his  armament.  His  soldiers  dispersed 
themselves  in  small  parties  over  the  country,  in- 
dulging in  every  species  of  rapine  and  aggression 
upon  tlie  Indians,  who,  at  length  flew  to  arms, 
and  in  a  few  days  sacrificed  and  ate  more  than  five 
hundred  of  the  marauders.  Encouraged  by  this 
success  they,  also,  attacked  the  settlement  of  St. 
Stephen 5  and  though  they  failed  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  works,  they  killed  the  commandant,  and 
more  than  forty  of  his  party.* 

XII.  Cortes,  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  this 
distressing  intelligence,  despatched  Sandoval,  attlic 
head  of  two  hundred  Spaniards  and  eight  thousand 
Mexicans,  to  quell  the  insurrection.  This  officer, 
alike  enterprising,  brave  and  prudent,  and  posses- 
sing more  of  the  admirable  qualities  of  his  Gene- 
ral than  any  of  the  subordinate  captains,  succeeded 
in  executing  his  instructions,  after  a  prolonged  and 
bloody  contest;  but  he  dishonoured  his  victory  by 
an  act,  whose  barbarity  is  not  surpassed  in  the  an- 
nals of  civilized  nations.  Sixty  caciques  and  four 
hundred  nobles  w  ere  burned  at  one  time.  And  to 
render  the  scene  still  more  horrible,  the  children 
and  relatives  of  the  wretched  victims  were  assem- 
bled and  compelled  to  be  spectators  of  their  dying 
agonies.  This  unparalleled  act  of  inhumanity  has 
not  the  apology  of  sudden  rage  excited  by  the  heat 

*  B.Diaz.  Herrera. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  203 

of  battle,  but  was  perpetrated  after  a  solemn  con- 
sultation with  the  Captain  General. 

XIII.  Cortes  having  received  information  that 
the  countries  of  Higuera  and  Honduras  abounded 
with  mines  so  rich,  that  the  fishermen  used  golden 
and  copper  weights  to  their  nets,  and  that  a  streight 
might  be  probably  found  there  which  united  the 
two  oceans,  was  moved  by  tliis  double  attraction 
to  despatch  an  expedition  thither  under  de  Olid. 
The  route  by  land  to  these  remote  provinces  being 
tedious  and  difficult,  a  voyage  by  sea  was  deter- 
mined on.  Six  ships  were  provided,  on  board  of 
which  embarked  three  hundred  and  seventy  Span- 
iards, of  whom  one  hundred  were  musqueteers  and 
cross-bowmen,  and  twenty- two  cavalry.  Among 
these  were  five  only,  of  the  veteran  conquerors,  the 
companions  of  Cortes.  They  very  reluctantly 
abandoned  their  state  of  repose,  but  could  not  re- 
sist the  instances  of  their  General.  De  Olid  bein^ 
instructed  to  touch  at  the  Havanna  for  recruits  and 
munitions,  Yelasques,  whose  desire  of  vengeance 
had  never  slept,  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity 
to  retort  on  Cortes  the  evils  he  had  inflicted;  and  he 
prevailed  on  De  Olid  to  renounce  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  latter,  and  to  prosecute  the  adventure  on  his 
own  account,  under  the  protection  of  the  Governor 
of  Cuba.  The  armament  arrived  on  the  coast  of 
Honduras  early  in  Mav,*  where  De  Olid  establish- 
ed a  colony,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  El  Tri- 
umpho  de  la  Cruz,  and  soon  after  openly  declared 
his  independence.t 

XIV.  In  order  fully  to  comprehend  the  events 
connected  with  this  expedition  it  is  necessary 
to  trace  succinctly,  the  prior  northward  enter- 
prises of  the  Spanish  adventurers,  on  the  coast 
of    Panama.        Soon    after    the    death    of   Bas- 

•  1523.  t  B.  Diaz.  Herrera. 


204  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CII.   VI. 

CO  Nunez,  the  pilot  Andreas  de  Nifio,  engaged 
with  the  king  to  undertake  the  discovery  of  the 
Spice  Islands  by  the  west,  and  to  make  a  full  exa- 
mination of  the  western  coast  of  the  continent; 
the  expenses  and  profits  of  tlie  expedition  to  be 
equally  shared  between  himself  and  the  crown. 
The  king,  having  reserved  the  nomination  of  the 
Captain  General  of  the  armament,  selected  Gil 
Gonzales  D'Avila,accountant  of  Hispaniola,  who  was 
extensively  engaged  in  commerce  in  that  island. 
Failing  to  obtain  from  Pedrarias,  the  vessels  con- 
structed by  Balboa,  they  built  others  at  an  almost 
incredible  expenditure  of  men,  money,  and  time.* 
After  three  years  of  incessant  toil  and  suftering, 
Gonzales  sailed  from  the  Gulph  of  San  Michael,  on 
the  21st  of  January,  1522.  Following  the  western 
coast,  he  landed  Irom  time  to  time,  and  acquired, 
with  uncommon  success, the  good  will  of  the  natives; 
and  the  pious  men  who  accompanied  him,  happily, 
by  gentle  arguments,  converted  many  to  their 
faith,  who,  in  testimony  of  their  sincerity,  surren- 
dered up  the  statues  of  their  gods,  cast  in  massive 
gold. 

XV.  Whilst  in  the  territories  of  the  Cacique 
Nicoya,  from  whom  a  province  has  been  named, 
Gonzales  was  informed,  that  a  powerful  chieftain, 
called  Nicaragua,  resided  at  some  fifty  leagues  dis- 
tant, upon  the  lake  which  bears  his  name.  An  em- 
bassy was  immediately  sent  to  this  prince,  to  com- 
municate to  him,  that,  the  sender  was  a  friend,  who 
would  work  him  no  evil,  provided  he  would  em- 
brace the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  acknowledge 
himself  the  subject  of  the  king  of  Spain,  the  mo- 
narch of  the  world;  but,  who,  on  any  other  terms, 
would  instantly  declare  war  against  him.  The 
chieftain,  who  had  already  heard  of  the  Spanish 

*  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  109. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  205 

power,  and  the  wonders  which  it  had  wrought,  re- 
plied, that  he  earnestly  desired  peace,  and  would 
embrace  the  faith  if  he  found  it  good.     Gonzales 
advanced  to  his  residence,  and  the  priests  who  ac- 
companied him,  having  instructed  tiie  Indian,  that, 
his  religion  forbade  drunkenness,  gluttony,  the  sa- 
crifice of  men,   and  feeding  on  human  flesh,   he 
readily  admitted  its  merit,  and  himself,  his  court, 
and  nine  thousand  of  his  subjects  were  baptized. 
To  two  requisitions  only,  the  chief  objected.     He 
would  not  renounce  the  pomp  of  war,  nor  the  plea- 
sures of  his  drunken  dances;  saying,  that  in  the 
first  case,   the  women  would  assume  arms,   and 
compel  the  men  to  spin,  to  weave,  and  to  dig;  which 
were    the    employments  of    females    and    slaves; 
and  that  the   second   was   an   amusement   which 
injured  no  one.     In  the  course  of  his  conversion, 
this  half  naked  child  of  nature,  asked  many  ques- 
tions which  astonished  his  instructors,  who  had  no 
conception  that  such  subjects  employed  the  mind 
of  any  Indian.     He  demanded,  whether  the  chris- 
tians had  any  knowledge  of  the  great  flood  wliich 
had  submerged  the  earth,  and  of  any  other  deluge; 
wliether  the  eai'th  had  then  been  turned  upside  down, 
or  the  heavens  had  fallen;  when  and  how  the  sun, 
the  moon,   and  tlie  stars  had  lost  their  light  and 
wandered  from  their  course;  who  gave  tliem  mo- 
tion and  by  what  means  they  were  upheld?     He 
demanded  the  cause  of  the  darkness  of  the  night 
and  of  the  frost;  and  why  they  superseded  light 
and  heat,   since  the  latter  were  more  pleasant  and 
useful;  what  honour  should  be  paid  to  the  God  of 
the  christians,  whom  the  birds  that  soared  in  the 
sky,  the  fishes  that  cut  the  liquid  deep,  the  men 
who  governed  the  earth,   and  all  nature  adored? 
"Whence  the  soul  had  its  being,  and  as  it  was  im- 
mortal, why  it  remained  in  the  body  for  so  short  a 
period?    Whether  the  Holy  Fatlier  at  Rome,  the 
19 


206  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   VI. 

Vicar  of  Christ  the  God  of  the  christians,  died; 
whether  the  king  of  Castile,  of  whom  he  hear^  so 
much,  was  mortal,  and  why  so  few  men  required  so 
large  a  quantity  of  gold?  The  reflection  that 
prompted  these  inquiries,  characterised  a  mind 
which  under  like  culture  w^ould  have  equalled  the 
supercilious  European,  who  was  eager  to  place  the 
man  of  America  in  the  rank  of  brutes. 

XVI.  The  favorable  reception  of  Gonzales,  who 
had  learned  much  of  the  progress  of  his  country- 
men in  New  Spain,  inspired  him  with  hopes  of 
reaching  the  provinces  which  had  submitted  to 
Cortes.  He  journeyed  northward  over  a  fertile 
country  thickly  inhabited  by  tribes  who  gladly  ex- 
changed many  valuable  articles  of  gold  for  Spanish 
toys;  but  encountering  others  who  w^re  hostile  and 
with  whom  he  had  several  sharp  engagements,  he 
abandoned  his  intention  of  further  discovery  and 
returned  to  the  coast,  at  the  Gulph  of  St.  Vincent, 
where  his  pilot  Andres  Nino  awaited  him.  Durin*^ 
the  absence  of  his  commander,  Niiio  had  surveyed 
the  shore  to  the  north-west,  for  more  than  three 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  had  reached  seven- 
teen and  a  half  degrees  of  northern  latitude.  In 
this  excursion  Gonzales,  had  penetrated  the  coun- 
try in  various  directions,  the  distance  of  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty  leagues,  had  baptized  thirty-two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy  souls,  and  car- 
ried off  one  hundred  and  twelve  thousand  five  hun- 
dred pesos  wortli  of  gold.  He  had  coasted  the 
shore  irom  Cape  Blanco  to  Chore tega,  had  examined 
the  Gulphs  of  Papagayos,  Nicaragua,  and  Posses- 
sion and  the  Bay  of  Fonseca,  to  which  he  gave 
name;  in  all  which,  he  sought  with  great  care  a 
communication  between  the  two  seas.  This  was 
one  of  the  most  successful  expeditions  undertaken 
in  the  New  World,  and  was  attended  with  the  least 
outrage  to  humanity. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  20r 

XVII.  Upon  his  return  to  Panama,  Gonzales 
proceeded  to  St.  Domingo,  to  fit  out  a  squadron  to 
make  further  discoveries  and  to  establish  a  colony 
in  Nicaragua.  From  this  city  he  addressed  a  me- 
morial to  tlie  king  containing  an  ample  account  of 
his  late  voyage,  and  praying  that  the  government  of 
the  country  with  such  other  lands  as  he  should  dis- 
cover might  be  granted  to  him.  Having  provided 
a  sufficient  force,  he  sailed  for  Ybueras,  a  port  on 
the  Atlantic  coast,  with  the  intention  of  seeking  a 
streight  between  the  two  seas.  He  hastened  his 
enterprise,  knowing  that  Pedrarias,  the  Governor 
of  Panama,  who  claimed  the  right  of  prior  discove- 
ry, was  preparing  to  take  possession  of  the  provin- 
ces he  had  visited,  and  to  deprive  him  of  the  re- 
ward of  his  labours. 

XVIII.  Pedrarias  had  fitted  out  an  armament  at 
Panama,  for  this  purpose,  which  he  designed  to  put 
under  the  command  of  Juan  de  Basurto;  but  grow- 
ing impatient  of  the  delays  of  that  officer,  he  com- 
mitted it  to  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  with 
whom,  sailed  the  Captains,  Gabrial  de  Rojas,  Sosa, 
Adreas  de  Garabito  and  Soto.  Hernandez  found- 
ed the  town  of  Brusselas,  in  the  Gulph  of  San  Lu- 
car,  and  another  called  Granada,  upon  the  lake  of 
Nicaragua,  in  the  province  of  Neuquecheri.  He 
carried  a  vessel,  in  pieces,  over  land,  with  which 
he  made  the  full  circuit  of  the  lake,  and  discovered 
St  Juan  river,  by  which  it  pours  its  waters  into  the 
Atlantic  Ocean.  His  passage  through  this  outlet 
was  stopped  by  rapids  and  precipitous  falls,  but  a 
party,  sent  along  its  banks,  reported,  that,  for  the 
distance  of  eighty  leagues,  they  had  found  a  rich 
and  populous  country,  remarkable  for  the  quantity, 
varieiy,  and  size  of  its  timber. 

XIX.  In  the  mean  time,  Gonzales,  to  avoid  op- 
position from  Pedrarias,  had  penetrated  the  pro- 
vince of  Honduras  from  the  Atlantic.     Leaving  a 


208  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

small  portion  of  his  force  at  a  station  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  San  Gil  de  Buenavista,  he  nro- 
ceeiled  to  Cape  Camaron,  and  thence  to  the  valley 
of  St.  Jago  dc  Ulancho,  where  he  received  infor- 
mation of  the  movements  of  Hernandez,  who  was 
then  in  its  vicinity.  In  a  few  days  he  fell  in  with 
De  Soto,  with  whom  he  had  several  engagements, 
and  took  from  him  one  hundred  and  thirty  thou- 
sand pesos  of  inferior  gold  which  he  had  collected 
from  the  natives.  From  mutual  dread  Hernandez 
and  Gonzales  avoided  each  other.  The  former  re- 
called his  advance  parties  and  erected  for  his  de- 
fence some  fortifications  at  the  town  of  Leon,  which 
he  founded  between  the  shores  of  the  lake  and  the 
western  coast^  the  latter  retired  to  the  port  of  Ca- 
vallos,  on  the  eastern  shore,  near  which  he  learned 
that  some  other  Spaniards  had  established  them- 
selves. These  consisted  of  the  party  under  De  Olid, 
at  Triumpho  de  la  Cruz,  about  fourteen  leagues 
south  of  Cavallos.  Thus,  the  Spanish  adventurers 
had  approached  each  other  from  opposite  points; 
from  the  lakes  of  Mexico,  and  the  Isthmus  of  Da- 
rien. 

XX.  Soon  after  these  events,  Hernandez,  seduced 
by  that  spirit  of  independence  which  we  have  fre- 
quently had  occasion  to  remark,  renounced  the  au- 
thority of  Pedrarias,  and  sought  nominally  tlie 
protection  of  the  Geronymite  Friars  at  St.  Domin- 
go, under  pretence  that  the  government  of  Nicara- 
gua pertained  immediately  to  the  crown  by  virtue 
of  the  discovery  of  Gil  Gonzales,  and  not  to  the 
Governor  of  Darien.  To  sustain  this  position  he 
sought  the  protection  of  Cortes,  then  about  to  de- 
part from  Truxillo  for  Mexico;  but,  he,  now  devo- 
ted to  order  and  subordination,  advised  Hernandez 
to  preserve  his  faith  to  Pedrarias.  But  this  advice  was 
unwelcome  to  one,  who,  having  acquired  a  very  con- 
siderable stock  of  gold,  desired  also  to  possess  ck- 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  sod 

tended  and  irresponsible  powers  and  though  seve- 
ral of  his  ofiicers  deserted  him,  lie  persisted  in  his 
disobedience.  Pedrarias  justly  irritated  at  this  re- 
bellion but  more  alarmed  at  the  presence  and  pro- 
gress of  Cortes  in  provinces  over  which  he  claimed 
jurisdiction,  marched  for  Nicaragua,  and  appre- 
hending Hernandez  in  the  town  of  Leon,  put  liim 
to  death.* 

XXI.  Few  circumstances  connected  with  the 
enterprise  of  Cortes  in  the  New  World  had  given 
him  more  pain  than  the  defection  of  De  Olid.  The 
qualities  of  the  Captain  had  endeared  him  much  to 
the  General,  who  had  relied  upon  his  faith,  his  zeal, 
and  ability,  with  the  utmost  confidence.  He  did 
not  delay'however,  to  fit  out  an  armament  against 
him,  consisting  of  two  ships  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  soldiers  under  the  command  of  his  brother-in- 
law,  Francisco  de  las  Casas.  A  naval  engage- 
ment was  fought  between  this  force  and  that  of 
De  Olid,  in  the  bay  of  Triumpho,  in  which  the 
latter,  having  lost  one  of  his  vessels,  made  overtures 
for  peace;  designing  to  protract  the  negotiation  un- 
til a  part  of  his  troops  engaged  in  exploring  the 
country  should  return.  But,  during  the  treaty  the 
ships  oT  Las  Casas  were  wrecked  by  a  violent  storm, 
in  which  forty  men  perished.  The  rest,  driven 
ashore  naked  and  distressed,  gave  De  Olid  a  blood- 
less victory.  The  captured  troops  cheerfully  join- 
ed the  standard  of  the  victor;  and  their  comman- 
der and  his  officers  were  entertained  in  his  dwelling 
and  suffered  to  continue  at  large  upon  their  parole. 
Whilst  these  events  passed  at  Triumpho,  Briones 
the  lieutenant  of  Oliu,  had  encountered  and  taken 
prisoners  above  seventy  of  the  troops  of  Gonzales, 
whom  he  soon  after  liberated  much  to  the  dissatis- 
faction of  his  Captain.     Gonzales,  himself,  unable 

•  1526. 


9A0  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  Vl. 

to  contend  with  De  Olid,  retreated  to  St.  (fi\  de 
Buenavista,  where  he  hanged  Francisco  Riquelme, 
the  Governor  and  a  clergyman,  who  had  been  guil- 
ty of  sedition  and  other  oftencesj  and  thence  he 
passed  to  Choloma,  where  he  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Juan  Ruano,  one  of  Olid's  Captains,  and  his  peo- 
ple were  incorporated  with  Olid's  forces.  But  the 
liberty  which  the  last  gave  his  prisoners,  Las  Casas 
and  Gonzales,  enabled  them  to  conspire  his  ruin. 
They  attempted  to  assassinate  him,  but  he  escaped 
from  their  hands  and  fled  into  the  forest;  being 
soon  after  apprehended,  he  was  formally  tried  by  a 
court  which  they  established,  and  beheaded  as  a 
traitor,  pursuant  to  its  sentence.  The  two  com- 
manders, thus  restored  to  freedom,  united  their  for- 
ces; and  having  made  several  settlements  in  the 
country,  set  out  for  Mexico  to  put  themselves  un- 
der the  protection  of  Cortes,  and  to  solicit  aid 
from  him  to  confirm  their  enterprises. 

XXII.  The  Governor  General,  soon  after  the 
departure  of  Las  Casas,  had  sent  him  assistance  in 
a  vessel  commanded  by  Pedro  Gonzales  de  Trux- 
illo:  wlio  having  sailed  as  far  south  as  the  port  of 
Cavallos,  and  meeting  with  tempestuous  weather, 
returned  to  Panuco,  and  asserted  that  Las  Casas 
had  perished  by  the  storm.  But  Cortes,  rcccivinj^ 
certain  intelligence  of  his  capture  by  Olid,  resolved 
to  march  in  person,  over  land,  to  Honduras.  He 
considered  the  revolt  of  this  officer  of  the  most 
dangerous  tendency;  that  if  not  punished  it  would 
serve  .is  an  example  to  his  other  lieutenants,  each 
of  whom,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  age,  might 
be  disposed  to  carve  out  a  kingdom  for  himself, 
which  should  be  dependent  only  on  the  Spanish 
crown.  But  the  punishment  of  Olid  was  not  the 
only  inducement  to  this  extraordinary  march  of 
three  thousand  miles.  He  was  desirous  of  inspect- 
ing the  whole  extent  of  country,  over  which  he  pro- 


CH.   VI.  MEXICO.  211 

bably  expected  to  reign  during  life;  to  investigate 
its  capability  for  commerce,  its  productions,  and 
more  particularly,  its  mines. 

XXIII.  ^Vhen  the  Emperor  advanced  Cortes  to 
the  government  of  New  Spain,  he,  at  the  same  time 
appointed  certain  commissioners  to  receive  and  ad- 
minister the  royal  revenue  there,  with  independent 
jurisdiction.  These  officers,  who  ariived  about  this 
time,*  consisted  of  Alonzo  de  Estrada,  treasurerj 
Rodrigo  de  Albornoz,  contadoi\  or  accountant; 
Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  factor;  and  Peralmendez  Chi- 
rinos,  inspector.  Selected  from  inferior  stations  in 
the  public  offices  of  Madrid,  they  took  great  state 
upon  them  in  Mexico;  but  official  habits  had  so 
contracted  their  understandings  that  they  were  in- 
competent to  judge  of  matters  beyond  the  verge  of 
their  bureaus;  and  they  consequently,  not  only  gave 
Cortes  much  immediate  trouble  in  his  administra- 
tion, but  misrepresented  his  conduct  and  views  in 
their  correspondence  with  the  royal  ministers.  They 
were  received  by  Cortes  with  great  respect  and 
honour.  At  his  departure  for  Honduras,  he  com- 
mitted the  government  of  Mexico,  to  Esti'ada  and 
Albornoz,  and  took  Salazar  and  Chirinos  with  him, 
as  far  as  Guacacualco,  whence  he  unfortunately 
despatched  them,  to  exercise  with  the  others,  joint 
authority  in  the  government.  Their  divisions  sub- 
sequently produced  much  scandal,  and  greatly  re- 
tarded tlie  public  business. 

XXIV.  The  preparations  which  the  Conqueror 
made  for  his  journey  were  no  longer  those  of  the 
simple  soldier;  but  such  as  might  well  become  an 
eastern  Satrap  or  the  Viceroy  of  an  extensive,  rich, 
and  enslaved  empire.  Quauhtimotzin,Coanacotzin, 
and  Tetepanquetzatl,  the  vanquished  monarchs  of 
the  Vale  of  Mexico,  with  several  of  their  most  pow- 

July  or  August^  1524. 


212  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

• 
erful  nobles,  formed  a  striking  feature  of  the  pa- 
geant, and  assured  him  of  the  obedience  of  tlieir 
late  subjects.  Three  thousand  Mexicans  attended 
their  chiefs,  beside  the  usual  domestics.  Cortes' 
personal  attendants  consisted  of  a  steward  and  pay- 
master, a  keeper  of  the  plate,  of  which  there  were 
large  services  in  gold  and  silver,  a  major  domo,  two 
stewards  of  the  household,  a  butler,  a  confectioner, 
a  chambermaid,  a  physician  and  surgeon,  a  number 
of  pages,  two  armour  bearers,  eight  grooms,  two 
falconers,  five  musicians,  a  stage  dancer,  a  juggler 
and  puppet  player,  a  master  of  the  horse  and  three 
muleteers.*  His  Spanish  force  was  composed  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  horse,  and  as  many  foot, 
whose  number  were  nearly  doubled  during  the 
march,  by  the  addition  of  the  veteran  troops  who 
had  settled  upon  their  encomiendas  in  Guacacualco. 
Orders  were  given  to  despatch  from  Vera  Cruz,  in 
appropriate  vessels,  an  abundant  supply  of  provi- 
sions and  warlike  stores,  to  follow  tiie  army  along 
the  coast,  from  which  the  General  did  not  design 
far  to  deviate.  A  large  herd  of  swine  followed  tor 
the  supply  of  the  tables  of  the  General  and  his  oflS- 
cers.  These  preparations  indicate  expectation  ot 
an  easy  and  pleasant  excursion,  which  was  con- 
verted into  one  of  unexampled  toil  and  privation. 

XXV.  Before  his  departure,!  Cortes  addressed, 
to  the  emperor,  thanks  for  his  appointment,  with 
an  account  of  his  administration,  and  a  present  of 
eighty  thousand  crowns  in  gold,  and  a  culverin  of 
the  same  metal,  valued  at  twenty-four  thousand 
pesos.  This  extraordinary  piece  of  artillery,  was 
named  the  Phoenix,  and  bore  a  motto,  complimen- 


•  The  reader  will  observe  that  the  arrangement  of  this  list  is 
by  B.  Diaz, 
t  October,  1524. 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  21S 

tiry  to  the  king,  and  expository  of  tlie  merits  of 
the  donor.* 

XXVI.  It  would  be  fiiiitless  to  follow  Cortes 
throughout  the  whole  of  this  astonishing  expedition, 
which  employed  liini  for  nearly  two  years  and  a 
half;  in  which  he  scaled  mountains  never  crossed 
by  human  foot,  traversed  profound  and  rapid  rivers, 
sometimes  on  rafts,  at  other  times  on  bridges,  which 
endured  afterwards  for  many  years;  passed  over 
deserts  of  burning  sand  and  through  forests  which 
had  never  before  been  peneti'ated;  sustaining  hun- 
ger and  thirst  and  every  species  of  privation,  com- 
bating with  ferocious  nations,  who  had  grown  con- 
fident in  arms, from  the  Spanish  dissensions;  and  suf- 
fering fatigue  which  could  be  equalled  only  by  the 
constancy  with  which  it  was  borne.  In  his  progress 
he  founded  several  colonies,  particularly,  one  in  the 
country  of  Pontonchan,  and  another  in  the  bay  of 
St.  Andrews;  and  extended  Ms  dominion  over  all 
the  nations,  through  which  he  passed  as  a  tremen- 
dous meteor,  whose  course  was  lollowed  by  torrents 
of  blood. 

XXYII.  No  act  of  Cortes'  life  has  been  more 
severely  censured,  than  the  execution  of  the  Mexi- 
can princes,  during  his  march  to  Honduras.  But, 
if  credit  be  given  to  the  Spanish  historians,  their 
death  was  exacted  by  every  principle  upon  which 
men  in  the  situation  of  the  Spanish  leaders  could 
reason.  These  unfortunate  potentates,  beholding 
the  state  of  misery  to  which  this  long  and  painful 
journey  had  reduced  the  Spanish  force,  contras- 
ting   its   numerical  strengtli   ^\'itll    tliat    of   their 


*  Esta  Ave  nacio  sin  par:  Yo  enservLr  os  sin  segundo; 
Y  Tos  sin  io;ual  in  El  Mundo. 
Which  mav  he  literally  rendered: 

This  bird  is  horn  without  a  peer;  In  your  service  I  am 

unrivalled ; 
And  you  have  no  equal  in  the  world. 


214  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  vr. 

own  countrymen  and  considering  the  facHity  of 
arming  the  nations  around  them  who  spoke 
the  language  and  practised  the  religion  of  the 
Mexicans,  conspired  to  destroy  Cortes  and  his 
companions  and  to  march  back  to  Mexico;  filling 
the  country  with  the  cry  of  freedom,  and  gathering 
all  its  tribes  in  one  mass,  to  be  rolled  upon  the  ca- 
pital and  to  crush  at  once  the  power  of  the  oppres- 
sors. The  plan,  worthy  of  Quauhtimotzin,  glori- 
ous in  its  projection  and  practicable  of  execution, 
might  have  been  successful,  if  not  marred  by  a  sor- 
did slave,  who  held  the  confidence  of  his  master. 
The  conspirators  were  arrested  and  tried  before  a 
Spanish  tribunal.  The  principal  Mexican  officers 
confessed  tlie  plot,  and  Quauhtimotzin,  Coanacot- 
zin,  and  Tetepanquetzatl  were  hanged,  as  common 
malefactors,*  in  the  district  of  Izancana.  They 
met  their  deaths  wdth  heroic  constancy;  but  though 
they  did  not  deny  the  conception  of  the  plot,  they 
protested,  that  no  means  had  been  taken  to  carry  it 
into  effect.  Their  countrymen  were  stupified  at 
their  fate  which  they  scarce  deemed  possible,  and 
even  the  Spaniards  condemned  it  as  a  cruel,  if  not 
an  unjust  deed.  The  piety  of  the  historians  has 
recorded,  that,  they  died  humble  and  devout 
christians! !  The  surrounding  nations  were  struck 
with  awe  at  this  signal  punishment,  and  more  rea- 
dily submitted  themselves  to  the  Spanish  power. 
The  remorse  of  Cortes  is  said  to  have  driven  sleep 
from  his  couch  for  tlie  space  of  three  nights;  but 
we  have  no  reason  to  believe,  that  his  conscience 
"was  more  sensitive  than  that  of  other  heroes;  and 
the  anxiety  of  a  General,  who,  contending  with  a 
thousand  difficulties,  had  detected  a  dangerous  con- 
spiracy in  his  camp,  may  readily  account  for  unu- 
sual and  prolonged  vigils. 

•  March,  1525. 


'         CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  215 

XXVIII.  Having  at  length  arrived  in  Honduras 
among  the  settlements  established  by  De  Olid  and 
Gil  Gonzales,  Cortes  learned  the  death  of  his  re- 
bellious officer  and  the  departure  of  his  judges  and 
executioners.  He  found  also,  that  a  spirit  of  sedi- 
tion had  in  a  great  measure  marred  the  designs  of 
the  founders  of  the  colonies.  He  communicated, 
however,  a  portion  of  his  own  energy  to  the  half 
famished  and  despairing  residents,  and  not  only 
confirmed  them  in  their  several  stations  at  Nato, 
Kaco,   Puerto  de   Cavallos,   Truxillo,   and  other 

F (laces  but,  established  some  new  posts,  particular- 
v  La  Navidad,  and  overrun  the  country  in  every 
direction,  being  successful  on  all  occasions  in  re- 
ducing the  natives  to  obedience. 

XXIX.  At  Truxillo,  he  received  tidings,  by  a 
vessel  from  Mexico,  which  gave  him  much  pain. 
He  was  informed,  that  it  was  universally  reported 
and  believed  there,  that  he  and  his  whole  army  had 
perished^  that  his  credit  had  been  much  impaired 
at  the  Court  of  Spain  by  the  calumnies  of  the  roy- 
al officers  at  Mexico;  that  the  government  of  Pa- 
nuco  had  been  given  to  Nuno  de  Gusman,  and  that 
New  Spain  was  torn  by  dissensions  amon^  the  offi- 
cers he  had  appointed.'  Salazar  and  Chirinos,  im- 
mediately upon  their  return  to  Mexico  formed  a 
strono-  party,  among  whom  was  the  licentiate  Zuazo, 
Rodrf^o  Paz,  and  other  friends  of  Cortes,  to  strip 
Estrada  and  Albornez  of  their  power.  But,  after 
a  considerable  struggle  and  some  bloodshed,  the 
latter  were  victors,  and  got  possession  of  tlie  per- 
sons of  the  two  former  deputies  and  some  of  their 
friends.  But  this  did  not  annihilate  the  strife, 
vhich  encouraged  many  of  the  Indian  tribes  to  re- 
bel. Upon  the  report  of  Cortes'  death,  which  had 
been  proclaimed  by  his  friend  De  Ordaz,  who, 
when  seeking  him  alon^  the  coast  had  notice  of  the 
destruction  of  a  Spanish  party,  whom  he  believed 


216  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  VI. 

to  be  that  of  Cortes,  the  factor  Salazar  pro^aimed 
himself  Captain  General  and  Governor  of  New 
Spain;  and  to  maintain  his  power  oppressed  the 
natives  and  conducted  himself  in  the  most  tyranni- 
cal manner  with  tlie  friends  of  Cortes,  and  that  the 
death  of  the  General  and  his  party  mi^ht  be  deem- 
ed certain,  issued  an  order  commanding  the  wives 
of  the  soldiers  who  had  gone  with  Cortes, to  consi- 
der their  husbands  as  dead  in  law,  and  immediately 
to  marry  again.  He  publicly  ordered  a  matron 
who  refused  to  credit  the  death  of  her  husband  in 
any  combat  with  the  Indians,  and  who,  Penelope 
like,  patiently  awaited  the  return  of  her  lord,  to  be 
publicly  whipped. 

Whilst  these  tumults  were  at  their  height,  lias 
Casas  and  Gonzales  arrived  at  Mexico,  and  public- 
ly asserted  the  existence  of  Cortes,  of  whom  they 
had  intelligence  in  their  route.  They  took  part 
against  Salazar,  declaring  that  if  Cortes  were  dead 
his  proper  successor  would  be  Alvarado;  and  tliat 
officer  was  induced  by  their  instances  to  quit  his 
district  for  New  Spain;  but  becoming  fearful  of  as- 
sassination he  soon  returned  to  it.  The  usurper 
then  seized  on  Las  Casas  and  Gonzales,  and  prose- 
cuted them  for  the  murder  of  De  Olid,  for  wliich 
they  were  sentenced  to  death,  and  were  with  diffi- 
culty saved,  by  an  appeal  to  the  Emperor.  He 
transported  Zuazo  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  actu- 
ally tortured  and  hanged  De  Paz,  the  private  trea- 
surer of  Cortes,  who  refused  to  surrender  the  de- 
posits put  by  his  master  in  his  charge. 

XXX.  Cortes  resolved  to  return  to  Mexico  by 
the  vessel  that  brought  him  these  unwelcome  ti- 
dings; but  having  been  twice  compelled  to  disem- 
bark, by  adverse  winds  and  injuries  to  liis  ship,  he 
was  seized  with  the  superstitious  belief  that  God 
had  destined  him  to  remain  to  complete  tlie  coloni- 
zation of  this  country.     He  recalled  his  troops, 


CH.  VI.  MEXICO.  217 

whom,  under  the  command  of  Sandoval,  he  had  di- 
rected to  return  to  Mexico,  by  way  of  Nicaragua 
and  Guatemala.  But,  the  patience  of  his  follow- 
ers, at  length,  seemed  to  have  been  overcome  by 
the  hardships  they  had  suftered,  and  the  opinion 
that  began  to  prevail  among  them,  that  the  good 
fortune  of  their  leader  had  deserted  him.  This 
faith  in  destiny  seems  inseparable  from  a  life  of  vi- 
cissitude, in  which  events  have  a  course  indepen- 
dent of  the  volition  of  the  actors  in  them.  A  train 
of  favorable  results,  often  produced  by  causes 
which  they  do  not  understand,  seems  the  work  of 
their  good  genius,  who  seconds  their  aims  by  inscru- 
table means;  whilst  misfortunes  which  might  often 
be  traced  to  ignorance,  imprudence,  or  incompe- 
tency, are  ascribed  to  the  departure  of  the  good 
and  the  advent  of  an  evil  spirit.  Soldiers  and 
seamen  are  the  peculiar  subjects  of  this  superstition, 
and  the  powerful  minds  which  guided  a  Csesar  and 
Napoleon,  have  proven  too  v>eak  to  resist  it.  The 
mind  of  Cortes  nad  been,  in  truth,  broken  by  his 
labours;  disease  had  \vasted  his  health,  and  whilst 
he  himself  shrank  unconsciously  from  new  labours 
his  soldiers  lost  their  confidence  in  his  power  to 
command  success.  The  hardy  veterans  who  had, 
at  his  bidding,  abandoned  the  easy  homes  which 
had  rewarded  their  early  labours,  now  refused  him 
obedience,  and  the  utmost  that  Sandoval  could  ob- 
tain from  them,  was  to  delay  their  march  for  a  sea- 
son, whilst  he  endeavoured  to  arouse  his  General 
to  a  resolution  more  worthy  of  his  fame.  But, 
an  invincible  dread  of  proceeding  to  Mexico  had 
seized  his  mind.  At  the  earnest  persuasion  of  San- 
doval he  despatched  Martin  de  Orantes  a  confiden- 
tial servant,  with  a  commission  to  Alvarado  and 
Las  Casas,  to  take  upon  them  the  government  du- 
ring his  absence;  and  in  case  tliey  should  not  be 
in  Slexico,  he  confirmed  the  authority  given  at  hi 
20 


218  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH,  VI. 

departure  to  Estrada  and  Albornoz,  revoking  that 
of  Salazar  and  Chirinos.  Orantes  was  wafted  by 
favorable  gales  to  the  Mexican  coast,  and  by  a  ra- 
pid and  secret  journey  attained  the  capital.  He 
there  found  Alvarado  and  several  friends  of  Cortes, 
concealed,  to  whom  he  communicated  the  glad  ti- 
dings of  his  master's  existence,  and  commands. 
Although  he  arrived  at  midnight,  the  name  of  Cor- 
tes was  a  spell  to  raise  a  host,  and  by  the  dawn  of 
day  the  palace  of  Salazar  was  attacked,  himself 
made  prisoner,  and  confined,  after  the  Mexican 
custom,  in  a  cage  of  timber,  where,  Chirinos  soon 
after  became  his  companion.  Cortes  was  informed 
as  soon  as  possible  of  this  revolution,  and  consent- 
ed to  return  to  Mexico,  but  insisted  on  going  by 
land.  The  pilots,  however,  representing  that  the 
season  was  favorable*  he  embarked,  and  soon  after 
by  the  way  of  the  Havanna  arrived  at  the  capital. 
His  arrival  was  hailed  by  all  classes  with  the  great- 
est joy.  It  allayed,  though  it  could  not  extinguish 
the  party  feuds  of  the  Spaniards^  and  such  had 
been  the  wild  rule  of  those  who  exercised  the  go- 
vernment in  his  absence,  that  the  Indians  even 
deemed  him  their  deliverer,  and  marshalled  his  way 
with  their  rude  music,  and  strewed  his  path  with 
flowers.  His  presence  restored  a  general  but  mo- 
mentary peace  throughout  the  whole  country. 

*  April,  1526. 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  219 

CHAPTER  VII. 

I.  Malicious  efforts  of  the  enemies  of  Cortes  to 
cause  his  fealty  to  be  suspected — Proceedings 
against  him — II.  Arrival  of  the  Licentiate 
Ponce  de  Leon  to  examine  into  his  conduct' •" 
III.  Listructions  given  to  De  Leon--"lV.  Death 
of  De  Leon — Is  succeeded  by  Marcos  de  Aguilar 

•  •••V.  Death   of   Aguilar — Estrada   appointed 

Governor,    unites    Sandoval  rvith    him His 

ungrateful  treatment  of  Cortes. -"-Yl.  Violent 
proceedings   in    Spain    against    Cortes •' "y II. 

Cortes  resolves  to  return  to  Spain' ••-Wll.  His 
wealth  imported  into  that  kingdom — Death  of 
Sandovcd""\X.  Reception  of  Cortes  in  Spain 

•  •••X.  Hie  king  refuses  to  re-appoint  him  Go- 
vernor of  3IexicO""Xl.  Proceedings  of  the  Au- 
diencia  in  New  Spain.  ••••XII.  Return  of  Cortes 
to  Mexico — His  prudent  conduct  ""'Kill.  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Second  Audiencia"  "XIY.  Ex- 
peditions despatched  by  Cortes  to  make  discove- 
ries in  the  South  Sea — XV.  Seals  himself  for 
the  like  purpose — Discovers  California" "XYI. 
Despatches  an  expedition  under  Ulloa" "XYll. 
Re-visits  Spain — His  reception  there — His  death 

•  •••XVIII.  Portrait  and  Character  of  Cortes 
...•XIX.  Subjection  of  the  Provinces  of  Hondu- 
ras and  Nicaragua ""X.X.  Of  Guatemala  and 
the  proceedings  of  Alvarado""XXI.  Proceed- 
ings of  Nuno  de  Gusmau" "XXll.  Of  the 
expedition  of  Montejo  to  Yucatan" "XXlil. 
Unfortunate  expedition  of  NarvaeZ""XXYW, 
Appointment  of  the  Viceroy  3Iendoza""XXY. 
Condition  of  the  Mexican  people  after  the  Con- 
quest. 

I.  During  the  long  absence  of  Cortes  from  the  capi- 
tal  of  New  Spain,  his  faithless  deputies  had  ear- 


220  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

nestly  laboured  for  his  destruction,  not  onlj  by 
appropriating  Ins  conquests  to  themselves,  but,  also, 
by  undermining  his  favor  at  the  Spanisli  court,  fill- 
ing the  mind  of  the  emperor  with  doubts  of  his 
General's  lojaltj.  Upon  the  first  arrival  of  the 
royal  officers  in  Mexico,  they  were  alike  astonished 
and  offended,  by  the  independent  and  irresponsible 
course  of  the  conquerorj  whose  policy,  dictated  by 
a  sound  judgment,  operating  in  new  and  untried 
scenes, rejected  the  trammels  they  would  have  forged 
for  him  by  official  forms.  His  magnificence  dis- 
played alike,  in  the  improvement  and  ornament  of 
liis  city,  in  the  splendour  of  his  Court,  and  in  the 
gifts  of  provinces  and  kingdoms  to  Ins  dependents, 
created  envy  and  fear,  in  the  minds  of  these  officers, 
who,  reasoning  from  their  own  irregular  ambition, 
readily  adopted  the  belief,  that  he  designed  to  ren- 
der himself,  wholly  independent  of  the  royal  au- 
thority. In  their  letters,  therefore,  they  repre- 
sented Cortes,  as  an  ambitious  tyrant,  who,  liav- 
ing  usurped  an  illegal  jurisdiction,  aspired  at  inde- 
pendence, and  w'ho  augmented  his  pov/er,  by  the 
accumulation  of  exorbitant  wealth  and  the  erection 
of  fortifications  throughout  the  country^  rendering 
the  natives  subservient  to  his  designs,  by  marry- 
ing the  daughters  of  their  principal  chieis  to  the 
most  devoted  of  his  soldiers.  These  representations 
enforced  by  many  of  Cortes'  most  powerful  enemies, 
now  in  Spain,  and  not  less  by  his  own  silence,  and 
the  disorder  in  Mexico,  caused  by  his  expedition  to 
Honduras,  awakened  the  suspicions  of  the  Spanish 
ministers,  most  of  whom  had  been  formed  to  busi- 
ness under  the  jealous  and  rigid  administration  of 
Ferdinand.  Unmindful  of  Cortes'  past  services, 
and  regardless  of  those  he  was  rendering  in  his  last 
extraordinary  expedition,  they  infused  their  doubts 
into  the  mind  of  their  master,  and  prevailed  on  him 
to  issue  an  order  to  the  admiral  Don  Diego  Colum- 


CH.   VII.  MEXICO.  221 

bus  to  assume  the  Government  of  New  Spain,  to 
raise  an  army  at  his  own  cost  to  proceed  to  Mexi- 
co, to  arrest  Cortes,  and  even  to  punish  him  with 
death  should  he  be  found  guilty  of  the  crimes  of 
which  lie  was  accused.  The  admiral  claimed  the 
government  of  this  whole  country  as  a  right  conse- 
quent on  tlie  original  compact  of  his  father  with  the 
crown  of  Castile;  but,  though  the  opportunity  of 
maintaining  it  was  thus  oftered  him,  he  either  had 
not  the  means  to  prosecute  it,  or  was  unwilling  to 
commit  himself  in  a  contest,  with  a  leader  so  suc- 
cessful and  renowned  as  Cortes.  The  delay  of  his 
preparations  gave  time  to  the  friends  and  agents  of 
the  latter,  among  whom  the  Duke  of  Bejar  was  most 
conspicuous,  to  change  the  determination  of  his 
majesty,  and  to  induce  him  to  send  to  Mexico  an 
officer  of  high  rank  to  make  a  formal  inquisition 
into  the  conduct  of  Cortes,  and,  if  necessary,  to  seize 
his  person  and  send  him  prisoner  to  Spain. 

II.  The  Licentiate  Ponce  de  Leon  a  near  rela- 
tive of  the  count  Don  Martin  de  Cordova,  was  se- 
lected for  this  important  service:  but  though  ap- 
pointed in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1525,  he  did 
not  arrive  in  Mexico  until  June  of  the  following 
year.  Cortes,  informed  of  his  landing  at  San  Juan 
de  Ulua,  despatched  a  messenger  with  compliments 
and  offers  of  service;  requesting  to  be  informed  by 
which  of  the  two  roads,  the  judge  would  proceed  to 
the  capital,  that  he  might  give  him  the  reception 
due  to  his  station.  In  answer,  De  Leon  declared 
his  intention  to  remain  at  Medellin,  for  a  short  time, 
to  recover  from  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage.  This 
space  was  employed  by  the  enemies  of  Cortes  to 
pervert  the  mind  of  his  judge,  and  to  fill  it  with 
distrust  of  his  courtesies;  and  they  even  presumed 
to  charge  him  with  the  design  of  assassinating  De 
Leon  on  the  way.  They  represented,  that,  Cortes 
had  resolved  to  put  Salazar  and  Chirinos  to  death 


222  HiSTORy  OF  America.  ch.  vii. 

and  urged  his  instant  departure,  as  the  only  means 
of  averting  their  fate.  Other  messengers,  despafchcd 
by  Cortes,  met  the  Licentiate  at  Iztapalapan,  where 
a  sumptuous  banquet  was  prepared  for  him.  AVith 
the  concluding  service,  some  cheesecakes  and  cus- 
tards were  served,  as  great  delicacies,  of  which  a  part 
of  the  company  ate  with  such  excess,  as  to  produce 
nausea,  which  they  openly  ascribed  to  poison  adminis- 
tered by  command  of  the  General.  Whilst  heve,some 
rich  presents  were  offered  by  order  of  Cortes  to  the 
Licentiate,  but  historians  do  not  concur  in  affirm- 
ing his  reception  of  them.  On  the  road  from  Iztapa- 
lapan he  was  met  by  the  Governor  and  his  principal 
officers  and  escorted  to  a  palace  prepareu  for  him 
in  the  capital."^ 

III.    The   extraordinary  officer   known   in    the 
Spanish  polity  by  the  name  of  Juez  de  Residenda 
was  a  commissioner  of  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the 
governors  of  the  colonies.     His  powers  necessarily 
superseded  those  of  the  person  he  was  sent  to  judge, 
that  he  might  enforce   his  decrees.     In  the  present 
case,  two  sets  of  instruction,  the  one  public  and  the 
other  private,  had  been  ^iven  to  De  Leon.     By  the 
former  he  was  required  immediately  on  his  arrival 
at  Vera  Cruz  to  aespatch  a  messenger   to  Cortes, 
and  the  Royal  officers   at   Mexico;   to   enter  the 
country  without  ostentation  or  tumult,    to  proceed 
immediately   to   the  capital,   and,  there,   to  com- 
mence the  duties  of  his  inquisition,  that  Cortes,  as 
on  a  former  case,  might  not  have  an  opportunity  or 
pretence  of  impeding  his  progress;   to  send  to  the 
King  after  the  expiration  of  three  months  his  report; 
to  assume  the  ordinary  powers  of  government,    to 
advance  with  zeal  the  extension  of  tlie  faith,  and  to 
promote  the  royal   interests,    with  the   peace   and 
order  of  the  country,  paying   due  regard  to  the  ad- 

*  Bemal  Diaz.    Heirera. 


CH.   VI I.  MEXICO.  223 

vice  which  the  experience  of  Cortes  had  well  pre- 
pared him  to  give:  That  on  his  arrival  at  Mexico 
he  should  cause  the  fortress  of  the  City  to  be  deli- 
vered up  to  Salazar,  and  provide  him  with  sufficient 
force  to  maintain  it,  the  king  having  nominated  him, 
Alcade,  and  to  place  anotlier  officer,  named  in  his 
instructions,  in  command  of  the  naval  force:  To 
inquire  into  the  official  conduct  of  the  royal  officers, 
their  exorbitant  salaries,  and  tlie  causes  which  had 
led  to  the  mutual  recriminations, they  had  preferred: 
To  ascertain  the  correctness  of  the  reports  relative 
to  the  gold  and  silver  mines  of  Mechoacan,  and 
apply  measures  to  render  them  productive:  That 
with  the  Governor  and  experienced  religious  men, 
he  should  consider  the  condition  of  the  Indians  and 
report,  on  the  propriety  of  their  holding  their  pos- 
sessions, either  in  their  ancient  state  or  as  feudal 
vassals;  but  to  make  no  innovations  until  his  majesty 
should  have  determined  thereon.  His  private  in- 
sti'uctions  commanded  him  to  inquire  of  the  alledged 
irreligion  and  disloyalty  of  Cortes;  of  his  eflbrts  to 
sustain  his  power  by  courting  the  natives  and  sedu- 
cing their  allegiance,  and  by  the  collection  of  arms; 
of  his  assumption  of  the  forms  of  royalty,  and  his 
obstinacy  in  resisting  the  royal  commands,  or  per- 
versely construing  tliem  to  his  own  purposes;  of 
his  vast  appropriation  of  gold, lands  and  vassals  to 
his  own  use;  melting  secretly  large  masses  of  the 
first,  without  paying  the  customary  duty  to  the 
King;  taking  one  fifth  of  the  precious  metal  re- 
ceived, beside  that  reserved  for  the  emperor,  for  his 
own  use  as  Captain  General;  devising  pretences  to 
arrest  the  embarkation  of  the  royal  treasures;  re- 
taining illegally  four  millions  which  he  had  acquired 
by  ra%'aging  the  country,  beside  the  immense  sums 
paid  in  tribute  by  forty  provinces,  one  alone  ot 
which,  yielded  fifty  thousand  pesos  per  diem  inde- 
pendent of  what  he  drew  from  the  mines;  burying 


224  HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

the  great  treasures  of  Montezuma,  and  sending 
large  quantities  to  the  Southern  ocean,  where  he 
retained  sliips  to  transport  liim  and  his  wealth,  to 
some  other  region,  under  pretence  of  making  new 
discoveries:  Of  his  liaving  drawn  seventy  thousand 
casteHanos  from  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  and  eighty 
thousand  from  another  province,  and  of  taking  to 
himself  all  the  profits  of  the  estates  that  had  been 
set  apart  for  his  majesty: — Of  the  wide  spread 
territory  covered  with  a  million  and  a  half  of  vassals 
which  he  had  also  appropriated  to  himself,  from 
which  he  derived  two  hundred  millions  of  reals, 
none  of  which  he  divided  with  the  crown:  Of  his 
exaction  of  seventy  thousand  castellanos  from  De 
Soto  the  royal  treasurer,  under  pretence  that  it  was 
required  for  the  fleet,  and  of  his  making  grants  of 
land  to  his  friends,  discharged  from  the  payment  of 
the  royal  dut^ongold.  These  exaggerated  charges, 
which  speak  incredible  things  of  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  exhibit  the  wild  conceptions  of  the  corres- 
pondents of  the  king,  in  Mexico,  relative  to  the 
riches  of  New  Spain;  and  display  in  disgusting 
colours,  their  malignity  against  the  man  on  whose 
bounties  they  had  richly  led.  That  their  calumnies 
were  partly  credited,  the  mission  and  sccretinjunc- 
tions  of  De  Leon  bear  witness;  but  though  author- 
ized, in  case  he  found  Cortes  guilty  of  disloyalty,  to 
expel  him  by  force  from  the  country,  such  power 
was  not  given  in  case  of  minor  delinquencies. 
Charles  and  his  ministers,  perhaps  did  not  consider 
it  politic  nor  just,  to  hold  him  to  a  strict  ac- 
count for  the  sums  lie  had  appropriated  to  himself, 
whilst  he  ruled  an  empire  which  he  had  vio- 
lently seized  for  his  master.  On  the  contrary,  they 
commanded    their   inquisitor,    should   the   general 

f)rove  loyal,  to  confirm  at  the  end  of  three  months 
lis  titles  of  Adelantado,  and  Captain  General,  and 
apply  himself  to  discover  the  source  of  the  dissen 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  225 

sions  among  tlie  royal  officers,  in  relation  to  the 
Governor,  and  which  among  them  was  the  culpable 
party. 

De  Leon  also  bore  a  royal  letter  to  Cortes,  in 
which  the  monarch  observed,  that,  as  he  desired  to 
know  what  advantage  had  accrued  to  him  person- 
ally, by  the  reduction  of  the  country  under  his  do- 
minion, and  having  had  many  complaints  against 
the  governor  since  his  appointment,  which,  though, 
he  believed  them  to  be  dictated  by  passion  and 
envy,  imposed  on  him  the  duty  of  instituting  an 
inquiry  {tomar  residencia)  in  conformity  to  the 
laws  and  customs  of  the  kingdom,  he  had  commis- 
sioned the  Licentiate  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  man 
of  science  and  virtue,  to  perform  this  service^  and 
required  that  the  governor  should  receive  him  with 
respect,  and  give  him  such  assistance  in  the  per- 
formance of  his  office,  as  his  great  experience  qua- 
lified him  to  bestow.  In  another  missive,  the  king 
added,  that,  ha\ang  been  informed,  the  governor 
had  taken  for  himself  the  principal  Indian  provinces 
and  population,  leaving  for  his  master  a  very  incon- 
siderable portion,  he  conceived,  that,  though  his 
extraordinary  services  demanded  a  great  reward, 
the  one  taken  was  excessive,  and  ought  to  be  re- 
formed; and  therefore,  he  required,  that,  he  should 
content  himself  with  a  more  reasonable  part,  leav- 
ing the  remainder  for  his  majesty.  This  was  indeed 
the  Lion  demanding  tlie  Lion's  part  of  the  product 
of  a  chase  to  which  ire  had  scarce  been  a  party. 

IV.Cortesrcceived  the  commands  of  his  sovereign 
with  the  greatest  respect;  and  surrendered  the  in- 
signia of  the  Governor's  office  with  a  good  grace 5 
retaining,  however,  his  General's  truncheon,  by  the 
special  command  of  his  majesty.  The  intercourse 
between  himself  and  the  licentiate  was  respectful 
if  not  cordial,  and  the  latter  paid  a  just  homage  to 
tlie  dignity  of  the  former,  by  observing,  that,  he 


226  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

must  liave  long  practised  the  manners  of  a^reat 
man.  De  Leon  commenced  his  official  duties  by 
proclaiming  his  readiness  to  hear  all  persons  who 
were  aggrieved  by  the  former  administration.  A 
host  of  accusers,  litigants  and  claimants  were 
roused  by  this  call.  Among  them  appeared  not  a 
few  of  the  veteran  conquerors,  who  believed  them- 
selves inadequately  rewarded  by  their  commander; 
but,  their  improvidence,  most  probably,  rendered 
unavailable  all  attempts  to  better  their  condition. 
Whatever  hopes  they  may  have  entertained  from 
the  residcncia  were  speedily  overthrown  by  the 
death  of  De  Leon.  The  vessel  which  brought  him 
from  Spain,  was  infected  by  a  malignant  disease, 
of  which,  more  than  an  hundred  of  the  passengers 
died.  He  was  attacked  by  this  distemper  a  few 
days  after  his  arrival  in  the  city,  whilst  giving  pub- 
lic audience.  But,  notwithstanding  the  cause  of 
his  death  was  obvious,  and  publicly  known,  the 
enemies  of  Cortes  charged  him  with  having  pro- 
cured it  by  poison.  Apprehensive  of  the  event, 
the  licentiate  nominated  ISIarcos  de  Aguilar,  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  Spain,  his  lieutenant, 
charging  him  to  suspend  the  prosecution  of  the 
resiclencia^  until  the  pleasure  of  the  king  should  be 
known. 

V.  This  transfer  of  authority  did  not  pass  with- 
out question.  Doubts  were  raised  as  to  the  right 
of  De  Leon  to  bequeath  it;  but,  at  length,  the  city 
council  determined,  that,  the  royal  power  could  not 
die,  and  that  the  king's  representative  might  per- 
petuate it.  Overtures  were  made  to  Cortes,  which 
he  promptly  rejected,  for  an  association  in  the  go- 
vernment with  Aguilar.  The  latter,  who  was  old 
and  feeble,  sunk  under  the  burden  he  had  assumed; 
and  in  a  few  months  followed  his  predecessor  to 
the  grave,  having  named  Estrada,  the  treasurer, 
his  successor.     The  Council  again  solicited  Cortes 


CH.   VII.  MEXICO.  227 

to  resume  the  government  as  he  had  formerly  held 
it;  but  he,  resolving  to  ijive  no  further  occasion  to 
the  malice  of  his  enemies,  again  declined  it,  and 
Sandoval  was  joined  with  the  treasurer,  chiefly 
with  tlie  view  of  holding  in  check  by  his  military 
talents,  the  querulous  temper  of  Xino  de  Gusman, 
whose  violence  in  Panuco  gave  great  uneasiness  to 
the  Spaniards  of  Mexico.  The  government  was 
thus  administered  for  several  months,  until  Estrada, 
was  informed  by  the  accountant  Albornez  who  had 
arrived  in  Spain,  that  the  king  approved  of  the  dis- 
position madebv  Aguilar,  and  was  content  that  his 
authority  should  be  thus  exercised,  until  he  should 
otherwise  direct  Elevated  by  these  tidings,  he  as- 
sumed a  more  lofty  port,  and  resolved  to  govern 
alone,  and  cast  oft',  with  Sandoval,  the  influence  of 
Cortes.  To  strengthen  himself  against  the  latter 
he  formed  an  alliance  with  Salazar  and  Perelmen- 
dez  whom  he  liberated  from  prison.  Instigated  by 
these  factious  men,  he  dared  to  cut  oft' the  hand  of 
Christoval  Cortejo,  a  servant  of  Cortes,  who  had 
Mounded  a  partizan  of  his  own  in  quarrel.  This 
barbarous  sentence,  inflicted  without  the  form  of 
trial,  was  followed  by  an  order  of  banishment,  froiu 
New  Spain.  At  the'  same  time,  dreading  tlie  ven- 
geance of  the  General,  he  presumed  to  interdict  his 
presence  in  the  City.  Even  to  this  insult,  the  pa- 
tience of  Cortes  submitted  without  murmur;  but  his 
spirit  was  sorely  tried,  by  an  order,  soon  after  re- 
ceived from  Spain,  for  the  discharge  of  Salazar  and 
Perelmendez,  whose  guilt  in  the  seizure  of  his 
property  and  in  the  death  of  his  steward  Rodrigo 
de  Paz',  he  deemed  too  evident,  to  escape  punish- 
ment; though  with  exemplary  moderation  he  had 
refrained  from  becoming  the  judge  in  his  own  cause. 
VI.  AVhilst  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  was  tlius 
driven  from  the  city  of  his  fondest  care  and  the 
proud  and  enduring  monument  of  his  fame,  by  en- 


228  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

emies  whom  he  miglit  have  prostrated  with  a  \VortJ, 
had  lie  not  dreaded  to  increase  the  royal  jealousy, 
that,  passion  was  inflamed,  to  the  most  violent 
resolutions.  Albornez  was  the  chief  conduit 
through  which  the  poisonous  calumnies  from  Mex- 
ico were  poured  into  the  royal  ear,  and  no  crime 
was  too  base  or  horrific,  to  be  charged  upon  the 
General.  In  addition  to  the  oftences  before 
ascribed  to  him,  he  w^as  now  accused  of  having 
poisoned  De  Leon,  Aguilar,  and  his  own  wife,  who 
had  come  to  him,  some  years  before,  from  Cuba* 

Of  these  atrocious  deeds  he  was  momentarily  be- 
lieved guilty;  and  the  king  commanded  the  AiaUcn- 
cia,  or  board  for  the  government  of  Mexico  which 
was  now  erected,*  to  behead  him;  and  laid  an 
embargo  on  all  vessels  about  to  sail  for  New  Spain, 
lest  he  should  receive  intelligence  of  this  design, 
and  array  his  much  dreaded  power  against  it. 
But  this  hasty  determination,  rare  in  Spanish  policy 
relative  to  America,  was  revoked,  in  consequence 
of  more  favourable  and  more  just  representations  of 
the  conduct  and  disposition  of  Cortes,  made  by  his 
friends  and  servants,  who  arrived  in  Spain  at  this 
period.  But  all  accounts  from  the  new  world,  be- 
ing filled  with  relations  of  the  wealth  of  the  con- 
queror, and  of  his  influence  over  the  Spanish  and 
Indian  population,  continued  to  irritate  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  Spanish  ministers,  who  directed  the 
president  of  tlie  supreme  council  of  the  Indies,  to 
invite  him  in  tlie  most  honorable  terms  to  Spain,  to 
receive  from  the  king,  the  high  rewards  that  he  me- 
rited; whilst  orders  were  given  to  the  Audiencia,  in 
case  he  delayed  his  departure,  to  send  hin\  as  a 
prisoner. 

VII.  Cortes,  whose  mind  was  still  bent  on  im- 
portant schemes  of  discovery  and  conquest,  was 
very  reluctantly  dispol&i  to  abandoft  the  scenes  of 

*1528. 


CH.  VIIo  MEXICO.  229 

his  triumph.  But  the  crisis  was  at  hand;  and  the 
alternative  was  obedience  or  rebellion.  To  the 
latter  he  was  urged  by  some  of  his  rash  followers, 
but  his  prudence  and  his  loyalty,  alike  forbade  a 
course  so  desperate.  He  resolved,  therefore,to  avoid 
the  ignominy  of  a  trial  before  prejudiced  judges, 
and  to  repair  to  Castile  to  commit  himself  and  his 
cause  to  the  justice  and  generosity  of  his  sovereign. 
VIII.  He  arrived  at  Palos  in  S-pain,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1527,  attended  by  his  friend  Sandoval  and 
other  principal  captains;  having  in  his  train  a  son 
of  Montezuma  and  another  of  Maxicatzin,  with 
many  of  the  principal  nobles  of  Mexico,  Tlascala, 
and  other  chief  cities.  His  portable  wealth,  ac- 
cording to  Herrera,*  consisted  of  fifteen  hundred 
marks  of  wrought  plate,  two  hundred  thousand  pe- 
sos of  fine  gold,t  ten  tliousand  of  inferior  quality, 
many  rich  jewels,  one  of  which,  an  emerald,  was 
valued  at  forty  thousand  pesos,  with  vast  quanti- 
ties of  the  richest  manufactures,  valuable  ^ums,  and 
curious  plants  and  animals.  Among  his  Indian 
attendants  were  several  Albinos  remarkable  for 
the  whiteness  of  their  skins  and  their  defect  of  vi- 
sion, some  dwarfs  of  extraordinary  deformity,  and 
several  of  the  most  expert  players  at  the  Indian 
games.  This  retinue  was  such  as  became  the  con- 
queror of  a  mighty  kingdom.  But  he  had  scarce  land- 
ed, when  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  most  va- 
lued officer  Sandoval,  who  died  after  a  lingering 
illness,  at  the  house  of  a  rope-maker  at  Palos. :{: 

*  Dec.  iv.  lib.  3.  4. 

t  E<iual  to  more  than  1,000,000  of  dollars  of  the  present  mo- 
ney. 

:j:  During  the  illness  of  this  officer  at  Palos,  he  was  robbed 
by  his  host  of  thirteen  bars  of  gold.  The  rogue  perceiving  his 
weakness,  despatched  his  servants  on  a  pretended  mission  to 
Cortes,  and  then  in  the  presence  of  their  master  broke  open 
his  chests,  whilst  he,  unable  to  resist,  made  no  outcry,  lest  the 
fellow  should  smother  him  with  the  bed-clothes.  The  robber 
made  good  his  escape  into  Portugal.  B.  Diaz. 
21 


230  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.    VII. 

IX.  The  arrival  of  Cortes  in  Spain  removed%ll  ap- 
prehensions with  respect  to  his  designs.  The  emperor 
received  him  as  one  whom  conscious  innocence  had 
brought  into  the  presence  of  his  master,  and  who 
was  entitled  by  extraordinary  services  to  the  high- 
est marks  of  distinction  and  respect  The  order  of 
St.  Jago,  the  title  of  Marquis  del  Valle  de  Guaxaca, 
the  grant  of  an  ample  territory  in  New  Spain,  of 
which  that  beautiful  valley  formed  part,  were  suc- 
cessively bestowed  upon  him;  and  as  his  manners 
were  correct  and  elegant,  notwithstanding  he  had 
passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life  among  rough  ad- 
venturers, the  emperor  admitted  him  to  the  same 
familiar  intercourse  with  himself,  that  was  enjoyed 
by  noblemen  of  the  first  rank;*  Upon  his  captains, 
as  well  those  who  remained  in  Mexico,  as  those 
who  had  accompanied  him  to  Court,  the  monarch 
also  showered  his  favours;  and  to  the  faithful  Tlas- 
callans  he  granted  perpetual  freedom  from  slavery, 
either  by  repartimiento,  or  as  serfs  attached  to  tne 
soil. 

X.  But  no  effort  of  Cortes,  though  supported  by 
many  and  influential  friends,  could  prevail  on  the 
emperor  to  restore  to  him  the  government  of  New 
Spain.  If  this  visit  of  the  conqueror  to  Castile 
evinced  his  present  fealty,  it  also  gave  an  opportu- 
nity of  observing  his  ability  and  popular  qualities, and 
the  king  dreaded  to  entrust  the  power  of  that  office 
to  one,  who  was  so  competent  to  employ  it  against  him. 
The  safety  resulting  from  a  divided  power  among 
his  servants  was  well  understood  by  a  prince  so  sub- 
tle as  Charles;  and  the  use  of  this  expedient  might 
be  justified,  where  distance  alone  rendered  the  ser- 
vant almost  independent  of  his  master.  But  no 
prudential  reason  forbade  encouragement  to  Cortes 
to  engage  in  new  enterprizes,  or  tlie  grant  of  means 

*  Ilerrera.     Diaz.     Robertson, 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  231 

for  rendering  them  successful.  The  monarch, 
therefore,  bestowed  upon  him  the  office  of  Captain 
General  of  New  Spain,  and  the  government,  with 
other  advantages,  of  any  country  he  might  discover 
on  the  South  Sea. 

XL  In  the  mean  time,  tlie  Audieucia  at  whose 
head  was  Nuno  de  Gusman  had  been  established  in  • 
Mexico.  Armed  with  greater  powers  than  had 
been  given  to  any  officer  hitherto  sent  to  New  Spain, 
they  at  once  superseded  Estrada,  and  took  upon 
tliemselves  the  government  of  the  country.  They 
prosecuted  the  inquiry  against  Cortes,  with  malig- 
nant severity;  suffering  his  enemies  to  rail  against 
him  in  the  public  court  with  the  greatest  indecency, 
condemning  him  on  almost  every  charge,and  direct- 
ing his  property  to  be  sold  by  public  auction  for  the 
payment  of  fines  which  they  imposed  on  him.  And 
they  imprisoned  Alvarado  and  others  of  his  com- 
panions, who  exclaimed  against  the  injustice  and 
irregularity  of  their  proceedings.  In  their  report 
to  the  King,  they  unanunously  deprecated  the  return 
of  Cortes  to  New  Spain,  as  a  measure  destructive 
to  the  quiet  and  welfare  of  the  country.  At  the 
instance  of  a  relative  of  Narvaez,  they  put  upon 
trial  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  veterans  for 
their  attack  upon  that  officer,  and  sentenced  them 
to  fine,  and  banishment  from  Mexico.  This  de- 
cree, being  merely  pro  forma,  was  never  enforced. 
Instead  of  conducting  themselves  with  the  grave 
decorum  which  should  have  distinguished  them  as 
judges,  they  entered  into  all  the  petty  cabals  of  the 
country,  and  introduced  the  most  serious  disorders 
among  the  people.  Contrary  to  the  express  com- 
mand of  the  king,  they  changed  the  distribution 
which  had  been  made  of  lands  and  slaves,  appropri- 
ating to  themselves  and  their  creatures  many  valu- 
able estates;  and  in  short, gave  so  much  general  scan- 
dal and  offeuce,tliat  the  clergy  remonstrated  against 


232  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

their  proceedings;  and  the  king,  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  supreme  council  of  the  Indies,  determined 
to  supersede  them,  by  the  appointment  of  another 
set  ot  commissioners. 

XII.  Having  spent  more  than  two  ^ears  in  Cas- 
tile, and  concluded  the  marriage  which  had  been 
long  negotiated  between  himself  and  Donna  Juanna 
de  Aguilar,  daughter  of  the  Count  of  that  name,  and 
niece  of  the  Duke  of  Bejar,  Cortes  embarked  for  New 
Spain,  where  he  arrived,  at  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  15th 
July,  1530.  Indians  and  Spaniards  thronged  to 
welcome  his  return,  and  to  pour  forth  their  com- 
plaints against  the  Audiencia;  offering  their  services 
to  overthrow  its  power  and  punish  its  malignity. 
Notwithstanding  Cortes  prudently  endeavoured  to 
moderate  their  anger,  and  repress  every  demonstra- 
tion of  violence,  the  attention  he  received  from  all 
ranks,  so  alarmed  the  Auditors  that  they  prohibited 
his  entrance  into  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  prepared 
to  enforce  the  interdiction  by  arms.  He  advanced 
however  to  Tezcuco,  where  for  some  time  he  held 
a  court,  much  better  attended  than  that  of  the  Au- 
diencia in  the  capital.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the 
second  Audiencia,  he  retired  to  one  of  his  estates  at 
Tecoantepec,  to  prepare  for  his  proposed  discoveries 
in  the  South  Sea,  and  never  returned  to  the  city  of 
Mexico. 

XIII.  The  new  Audiencia,  at  whose  head  was 
Don  Sebastian  Ramirez,  bishop  of  St.  Domingo,  was 
composed  of  men  of  probity,  habituated  to  business, 
who  applied  themselves  industriously  to  remedy 
the  disorders  occasioned  by  their  predecessors; 
whom  they  condemned  in  many  cases  to  make  res- 
titution to  the  injured;  stripping  them  of  their  un- 
justly acquired  possessions,  and  imprisoning  their 
most  violent  and  vicious  agents.  Nuno  de  Gusman 
avoided  their  jurisdiction,  being  engaged  in  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  Chechimecas. 


CH.  VI1»  MEiXiCO.  233 

XIV.  We  shall  now  follow  the  fortune  of  Cortes 
from  his  return  to  Mexico  until  his  death.  After 
M'hich,  we  shall  give  a  succinct  view  of  the  labours 
of  his  companions,  and  other  adventurers,  in  disco- 
vering and  reducing  to  obedience  the  several  por- 
tions which  formed  the  vicerojalty  of  New  Spain. 
We  have  already  mentioned,  cursorily,  the  early 
desire  of  Cortes  to  explore  the  immense  extent  of 
the  Southern  Ocean.  In  1522  he  caused  a  survey 
to  be  made  on  the  coast  of  Zacatula,  to  ascertain 
"what  means  might  be  there  provided  for  his  purpose, 
and  directed  several  vessels  to  be  built.  In  1527" 
by  the  command  of  the  emperor,  he  despatched  three 
ships  from  Zacatula  to  the  Moluccas  under  Alvaro 
de  Saavedra,  who,  upon  his  arrival  there,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Portuguese.  In  May  1 532,  he  fitted 
out  two  ships  from  the  port  of  Acapulco,  which  he 
entrusted  to  Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza.  Before 
they  had  proceeded  far  to  sea,  a  mutiny  arose 
among  the  troops,  and  the  mutineers  seized  one 
of  the  vessels,  Mith  which  they  returned  to  New 
Spain,  but  were  shipwrecked  in  the  Bay  of  Bande- 
ras,  and  two  persons  only  escaped  from  the  hostility 
of  the  natives,  to  report  the  fate  of  the  expedition. 
Hurtado  continued  his  voyage,  but  he  was  never 
afterwards  heard  of.  In  October  1533,  Cortes  des- 
patched two  other  vessels,  of  which  Diego  Bezerra 
and  Hernando  de  Grijalva  were  respectively  Cap- 
tains, and  Zimenes  chief  pilot.  They  were  instruct- 
ed to  make  search  for  Hurtado  and  to  attempt  the 
discovery  of  islands  which  were  rich  in  pearls.  The 
vessels  were  separated  by  a  storm  the  first  night 
after  quitting  port,  and  did  not  again  join  company: 
Grijalva  availing  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  throw 
oft' the  authority  of  Bezerra  his  chief,  and  to  appro- 

Eriate  to  himself,  the  merit  of  such  discoveries  as 
e  might  make;  which  consisted,  however,  only  of 
an  uninhabited  island,   called  by  him  Santo  Tome. 


S34  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

Bezerra  and  Ximenes  quarrelled,  and  the  latter 
assassinated  the  former,  and  would  have  slain  others 
of  the  crew,  but  for  the  interference  of  two  Francis- 
can Friars.  Under  his  command,  the  vessel  touched 
at  a  port  on  the  western  coast  called  Santa  Cruz, 
where  he  put  the  friars  and  those  thej  had  saved 
from  his  fury  on  shore,  and  beheld  them  slaughtered 
by  the  savage  inhabitants.  Soon  after,  he  and 
twenty-two  of  his  confederates,  having  on  some  oc- 
casion ventured  on  shore.  Mere  also  slain  by  the 
natives,  and  the  vessel  falling  with  an  enfeebled 
crew  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Nuno  de  Gusman, 
this  violent  and  unprincipled  enemy  of  Cortes 
seized  her  with  all  her  lading,  including  some  valu- 
able pearls. 

XV.  Chagrined  by  these  unfortunate  results,  Cortes 
resolved  to  proceed  in  person  to  explore  the  vast 
ocean,  fondly  imagining,  that,  he  should  yet  make 
discoveries  that  would  give  him  new  claims  to  con- 
sideration among  his  cotemporaries.  Three  vessels 
were  immediately  prepared  in  the  port  of  Coante- 
peque,  and  the  Spanish  adventurers  in  his  vicinity, 
restless  as  their  leader,  flocked  to  his  standard  with 
full  confidence  of  bettering  their  condition.  Ac- 
companied by  Andres  de  Tapia  and  several  other 
officers,  he  sailed  for  Santa  Cruz  in  1535,  with  as 
many  colonists  and  soldiers  as  his  ships  would  car- 
ry: and  having  arrived  there,  after  a  prosperous 
voyage,  he  sent  back  the  ships  for  the  remainder  of 
his  people.  The  second  voyage  was  not  so  fortu- 
nate. The  vessels  were  separated  by  a  gale  of 
wind  near  the  river  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and 
one  only  arrived  at  the  port  where  Cortes  anx- 
iously awaited  them.  But  the  provisions,  of  which 
he  began  to  be  greatly  in  want,  were  on  board  of 
another,  which  was  stranded  on  the  coast  near 
Xalisco;  the  third  was  driven  into  the  bay  of  Guay- 
aval,  so  called  from  the  many  guava  trees  with 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  235 

which  its  shores  were  covered.  Famine  soon  fol- 
lowed this  misfortune.  Twenty- three  of  the  sol- 
diers perished  of  hunger,  and  the  rest  were  gradu- 
ally sinking  to  the  grave,  when  Cortes  re-embarked 
with  fifty  of  his  best  men  to  seek  the  lost  ships.  He 
found  them  in  the  positions  we  have  described,  and 
having  refitted  them  with  much  labour  brought  them 
to  Santa  Cniz.  He  directed  the  provisions  to  be 
served  to  the  famished  soldiers  with  great  precau- 
tion, but  several  died  from  the  effects  of  their  in- 
dulgence. Leaving  at  tliis  place  part  of  his  people 
with  provisions  for  a  year,  and  promising  to  send 
them  timely  relief,  he  departed  in  pursuit  of  further 
discoveries;  and  amidst  dangers  and  privations  of 
every  description,  landed  in  California  and  survey- 
ed the  gi'eater  part  of  that  vast  peninsula  and  the 
gulph  which  divides  it  from  Xew  Spain,  since  call- 
ed the  Vermillion  sea.  Such  a  discovery  would 
have  illustrated  the  name  of  an  ordinary  adventu- 
rer, but  could  add  nothing  to  his  reputation;  nor 
did  it  in  any  respect  repay  the  expenses  of  the  ex- 
pedition. 3But  it  was,  however,  a  very  valuable 
service  rendered  to  Spain,  since,  by  it.  a  conside- 
rable portion  of  the  great  country  of  New  Mexico 
was  made  known;  and  he  has  the  merit  of  reducing 
under  the  Spanish  dominion  more  than  five  hundred 
leagues  of  territory,  and  particularly  the  provinces 
of  Cinaloa,  Sibola  and  Quivira.* 

XVI.  The  inconsiderable  fruit  of  these  labours 
would  have  discouraged  any  less  sanguine  and  en- 
terprising man;  but  Cortes  having  received  tidings 
of  some  large  cities  in  the  country  of  Cibola,  rich 
in  metallic  treasures,  said  to  have  been  visited  bj 
a  certain  Father  de  Xiza;  and  that  the  Viceroy 
Mendoza  was  preparing  to  explore  it,  resolved  to 
fit  out  anotlier  expedition,  of  tiliree  vessels,  which 

•  Herrera.    B.  Diaz. 


S56  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

he  gave  in  charge  to  Francisco  de  UUoa.  This 
squadron  sailed  from  Acapulco,  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  day  of  July,  1539.  One  vessel  was  lost 
soon  after  sailing;  the  others  explored  the  coast 
northward  to  the  Gulph  of  California,  and  also  a 
part  of  that  great  sea,  and  thence  proceeded  beyond 
the  island  of  Cedars  upon  the  westesn  shore  of  the 
Peninsula.  The  mariners  suffered  nmch  from  tem- 
pestuous weather  and  from  cold,  in  thirty  degrees 
of  latitude.  From  the  Isle  of  Cedars,  UUoa  sent 
home  his  consort,  and  with  his  own  vessel  prosecu- 
ted the  voyage,  but  he  was  never  after  heard  of. 
The  large  and  regularly  built  cities,  the  rich  mines 
and  polished  inhabitants  of  which  Father  Niza  had 
greatly  vaunted,  were  never  discovered. 

XVII.  But  even  these  ungrateful  labours,  Cortes 
was  not  permitted  to  pursue  in  peace.  Mendoza 
claimed,  as  viceroy,  dominion  over  every  spot  on 
which  tlie  Spanish  standard  was  planted;  and  sent 
his  agents  into  the  countries  newly  discovered  by 
Cortes,  which  the  latter  by  his  convention  with  the 
emperor,  conceived  to  belong  exclusively  to  his  juris- 
diction. Wearied  at  length  with  resistmg  these  en- 
croachments on  his  rio-hts,  and  with  soliciting  in 
vain  the  justice  of  his  king,  who  scarce  regarded 
his  repeated  applications,  he  resolved  once  more  to 
visit  Spain,  and  to  present  in  person,  his  claims  for 
the  remuneration  of  his  vast  expenditure  and  meri- 
torious services.  * 

But  time  had  already  diminished  the  greatness 
of  his  actions,  and  they  were  paralleled  and  even 
eclipsed  by  the  richer  conquests  in  Peru.  His  de- 
clinnig  years  forbade  all  hope  of  farther  service,  and 
the  gratitude  of  kin^s  to  powerless  subjects,  is  not 
greater  than  that  ot  subjects  to  powerless  kings. 
But  in  discussing  his   claims,    however,    upon   the 

*In  his  several  attempts  at  discoveiy  in  the  soutli  sea,  Cortca 
expended  the  enormous  sura  of  300,000  ducats. 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  237 

emperor,  the  casuist,  might  very  plausibly  de- 
mand, what  were  in  truth  his  merits,  which  called 
for  acknowledgments  greater  than  he  had  already 
received.  Cortes  was  a  brave  and  a  successful 
soldier, an  able  one  unquestionably, and  his  ability  de- 
manded respect^  but  the  motives  of  his  conduct  were 
not  less  selfash  and  scarce  more  elevated  than  those 
of  the  hardy  pikeman  who  followed  his  banner,  that 
he  might  indulge  the  lusts  which  gold  could  gratify. 
He  had  acquired  for  his  king  a  wide  empire,  but 
this  was  an  incident,  resulting  from  the  gratifica- 
tion of  his  own  ambition.  He  had  received  too,  a 
portion  of  this  empire,  which  gave  him  a  princely 
revenue,  and  rendered  him  the  envy  of  his  compa- 
triots, who  carelessly  listened  to  complaints  of  re- 
striction on  powers  and  profits  which  they  deemed 
already  too  great.  He  was  received  by  the  empe- 
ror coldly;  his  ministers  treated  him  sometimes 
with  negligence,  at  others,  with  insolence.  His  grie- 
vances were  unredressed,  and  several  years  were 
spent  in  fruitless  application  to  oflicial  agents — an 
employment  the  most  irksome  and  revolting  to  a 
spirit  accustomed  to  command.  Yet  neither  age 
nor  cold  neglect  had  power  to  chill  the  ruling  pas- 
sion of  his  soul.  The  love  of  distinction  led  nim  a 
volunteer  in  the  train  of  the  emperor,  to  the  siege 
of  Algiers;  where  the  only  remarkable  circumstance 
told  of  him,  is,  his  loss  of  two  emeralds  of  extraor- 
dinary value.  Returning  from  Africa,  he  retired 
to  a  village  near  Seville,  in  which  he  died,  on  the 
twenty-first  December,  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  torty-seven,  in  the  sixty-second  year  of  his 
age. 

It  is  a  source  of  philosophical  pleasure  to  trace 
the  physical  qualities  and  peculiar  habits  of  men 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  by  extraordinary 
influence  over  their  species;  and  seeking  with  de- 
light the  germs  of  their  power,  in  their  organization 


238  HISTORT  OF  AMERICA.  OH,   VII. 

and  temperament,  we  may,  possibly,  in  the  lapse 
of  time,  from  the  comparison  of  their  conduc^vith 
their  physical  formation,  extricate  some  principles 
which  may  aid  us  in  the  prompt,  and  just  apprecia- 
tion of  individual  character.  Bernal  Diaz  has  left 
us  some  traits  of  his  General,  which  we  could 
scarce  have  obtained  from  any  other  hand.  He  was 
of  middle  stature,  and  strongly  framed  ^  of  a  pale 
complexion,  the  ordinary  hue  of  thought;  witli  a 
grave  countenance.  His  eyes  were  mild  and  se- 
rious, and  his  features  were,  if  faulty,  too  small. 
His  beard  and  hair  were  black  and  scanty.  His 
chest  was  broad  and  his  body  spare,  but  he  after- 
wards became  corpulent.  His  limbs  were  well 
moulded,  but  his  legs  somewhat  bowed.  He  was 
an  excellent  horseman  and  dexterous  in  the  use  of 
arms.  His  skill  in  the  latter  did  him  essential  ser- 
vice in  many  rencontres,  which  in  his  youth  grew 
out  of  an  amorous  disposition.  His  manners  were 
simple  and  affable,  but  dignified;  commanding  the 
love  and  respect  of  all  who  approached  him.  In  his 
dress  he  followed  the  fashion  of  the  time,  avoiding 
all  excess  of  ornament.  He  usually  wore  around 
his  neck,  a  small  chain  of  gold  of  exquisite  work- 
manship, from  which  hung  a  medal,  bearing  on  one 
side  a  highly  wrought  virgin  and  cliild,  and  on  the 
reverse,  a  head  of  St.  John  the  Baptist:  On  his  fin- 
ger a  valuable  diamond,  and  in  his  cap  of  black 
velvet,  another  golden  medal.  In  latter  life  he  sub- 
stituted for  this  a  plain  cloth  cap  without  ornament. 
His  table  was  magnificently  attended  by  many  offi- 
cers and  pages,  and  served  with  massive  gold  and 
silver  plate;  but,  whilst  he  provided  sumptuous  enter- 
tainment for  others,  he  was  indifferent  to  his  own 
fare:  commonly  eating  of  the  plainest  food,  and 
drinking  sparingly  of  wine  and  water.  From  his 
early  studies  he  had  a  tincture  of  learning,  and  like 
most  men  of  strong  character  was  an  able  rhetori- 


CH.   VII.  MEXICO.  239 

cian.  As  in  this  age,  devotion  was  not  less  essen- 
tial than  courage  to  the  character  of  an  accomplish- 
ed cavalier,  he  was  remarkably  devout,  and  often 
worshipped  the  Holy  Virgin  and  his  tutelary  saints, 
Peter,  James,  and  John  the  Baptist.  His  ordinary 
oath  was  "  by  my  conscience,"  and  when  vexed  by 
his  followers,  he  would  say,  "  oh,  may  you  repent 
it."  When  very  angry,  the  veins  of  his  throat  and 
forehead,  were  singularly  swelled,  but  he  rarely 
gave  vent  to  his  wrath,  by  speech.  He  was  patient 
under  insults  or  injuries,  and  seldom  resented  the 
rude  abuse  of  his  soldiers,  which  was  sometimes 
extremely  gross,  but  generally  bade  them  *'  be  si- 
lent," or  "'to  go  away  in  God's  name,  lest,  he 
should  cause  them  to  be  punished."  In  military 
aftairs  his  firmness  was  most  remarkable.  He  ad- 
hered pertinaciously  to  his  own  opinions,  though  he 
received  with  much  respect  those  of  his  officers.  He 
was  strictly  attentive  to  discipline^  constantly  went 
the  rounds  in  person  during  the  night,  visiting  the 
quarters  of  the  soldiers,  and  severely  reprehending 
those  he  found  without  their  armour  and  appoint- 
ments. 

He  was  very  fond  of  play,  both  at  cards  and  dice, 
and  while  playing,  was  affable  and  good  humoured. 
Like  the  most  eminent  captain  of  the  present  day, 
he  could  sleep  in  every  situation.  When  on  a 
march,  he  would,  wrapped  in  his  cloak,  take  his 
siesta,  beneath  a  tree,  in  the  heaviest  rain  or  most 
fervid  sun.  In  youth  he  was  liberal,  or,  more  pro- 
perly speaking,  prodigal;  but  he  was  accusea  of 
having  grown  avaricious  in  maturer  age;  and  the 
indulgence  of  this  passion  may  have  caused  the 
falling  off  of  many  friends.  Yet  no  adventurer  to 
America,  from  its  first  discoverer,  could  boast  more 
faithful  adherents.  His  hardy  veterans  often  com- 
plained of  unequal  partition  of  treasure  and  lands, 
but  they  could  never  resist  his  voice  wheu  he  would 


240  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

rouse  them  to  new  perils,  and  new  triumphs.  Gireat 
indeed  must  have  been  his  power  over  all  he  would 
subdue,  when  the  injured  Indian  worshipped  him  as 
a  benificent  divinity. 

Cortes  was  buried  with  great  pomp,  in  the  chapel 
of  the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia,  but  liis  remains 
were,  afterwards,  according  to  his  will,  transported 
to  New  Spain.  He  left  several  children,  legitimate 
and  illegitimate.  Of  the  former,  there  was  one  son, 
the  heir  of  his  wealth  and  honours,  and  four  daugh- 
ters; one  of  whom  died  unmarried,  but  the  others, 
were  richly  and  honourably  wedded:  Of  the  latter, 
there  were  two  sons,  one  by  his  interpreter  Marina, 
and  another  by  a  lady  called  De  Hermosilla^  and 
three  daughters,  one  by  an  Indian  woman  of  Cuba, 
and  the  others  by  a  Mexican;  to  each  of  these  he 
bequeathed  large  fortunes. 

Within  a  few  months  after  the  capture  of  the  city 
of  Mexico,  the  conquerors  overran  the  countries 
adjacent  to  the  Mexican  kingdom,  and  which  were 
entirely  subjected  by  the  emperor.  The  more  dis- 
tant dependencies,  and  the  countries  of  New  Spain, 
over  which  the  Mexican  power  had  not  reached, 
did  not  so  readily  submit  to  tlie  strangers.  In  their 
acquisition,  the  Spaniards  underwent  many  suffer- 
ings, and  committed  many  crimes.  A  short  notice 
of  their  principal  enterpi  izes,  of  this  character,  is 
due  to  tliis  place,  whilst  a  full  description  of  the 
countries  conquered,  belongs  to  the  account  of  Mo- 
dern Mexico. 

XIX.  The  provinces  of  Honduras  and  Nicaragua, 
having  been  entered  from  several  quarters  by  the 
Spanish  adventurers,  its  government  was  claimed 
by  rival  chiefs.  The  valleys  of  the  country  were 
reported  to  be  extremely  fertile;  and  the  richness 
of  the  mines  of  Ulancho,  were  highly  famed.  Mo- 
ved by  these  considerations,  tlie  contending  parties 
poured  their  squadrons  over  these  districts, sweeping 


CH.   VII.  MEXICO.  Mi 

away  the  scanty  stores  of  the  natives  and  adding  to 
the  horrors  of  famine  the  worst  evils  of  slavery-. 
Between  Saavedra  who  occupied  Honduras  as  the 
lieutenant  of  Cortes,  and  Pedrarias  who  had  seized 
on  Nicaragua,  a  compact  had  been  framed,  after 
some  skirmishing,  by  which  their  pretensions  were 
referred  to  the  royal  council.  The  prospect  of 
peaceful  colonization  which  arose  from  this  measure, 
was  unfortunately  destroyed  by  the  Audiencia  of 
Cubaj  which  claimed  jurisdiction  over  the  whole 
territory,  as  a  royal  dependency,  on  account  of  the 
explorations  of  Gonzalez.  They  appointed  Diego 
Lopez  de  Salcedo  its  governor;  who,  attended  by  a 
competent  military  force,  compelled  the  submission 
of  Saavedra  and  several  of  the  agents  of  Pedrarias, 
all  of  whom,  he  sent  prisoners  to  Hispaniola.  He 
afterwards  marched  to  the  town  of  Leon,  near  the 
western  shore  of  Lake  Nicaragua,  suffering  the 
extremity  of  famine,  and  inflicting  the  most  horri- 
ble cruelties  on  the  natives,  w^io,  sorely  oppressed, 
sought  every  opportunity  to  slay  their  tyrants.  So 
great  was  the  wretchedness  of  the  unfortunate  In- 
dian race,  that  as  a  measure  of  deliverence  they  re- 
sorted to  the  expedient  unsuccessfully  adopted  by 
their  fellow  sufferers  of  Haiti,  abandoning  every  spe- 
cies of  agriculture  in  hopes  of  driving  their  enemies 
by  famine  from  the  land 5  and  that  they  might  not 
perpetuate  a  race  of  slaves,  they  refrained  for  more 
than  two  years  from  conjugal  embraces.  Salcedo's 
claim  of  jurisdiction  over  Nicaragua,  was  founded 
on  the  want  of  authority  in  Pedrarias,  wlio,  having 
been  superseded  by  the  appointment  of  Pedro  de 
los  Rios,  to  the  government  of  Darien,  had  avoided 
an  immediate  inquiry  into  his  administration,  by 
retiring  to  the  town  of  Leon,  where  he  continued  to 
exercise  his  former  powers.  The  inhabitants  of 
this  town  gladly  accepted  Salcedo,  in  order  to  avoid 
a  journey  of  three  hundred  leagues,  on  public  affairs 
2-2 


242  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

to  Panama.  Of  the  adventurers  to  America,  though 
it  is  a  bold  word  to  speak,  perhaps  none  were'more 
covetous  than  Salcedo.  To  gratify  this  passion,  he 
overturned  every  thing  that  had  been  established  at 
Leon,  depriving  the  old  colonists  of  their  possessions 
that  he  might  sell  them  to  his  own  followers,  pro- 
ducing such  a  general  confusion,  and  inaction, 
amongst  Indians  and  Spaniards,  that  the  mines  were 
no  longer  wrought,  nor  the  country  cultivated. 
The  distress  for  food  became  so  intolerable,  that 
the  Indians  preyed  on  each  other  like  the  wild 
beasts  of  the  forest. 

On  the  petition  of  the  colonists  of  Nicaragua,  the 
emperor  established  there  a  separate  government, 
to  which,  having  learned  the  death  of  Gonzalez,  he 
appointed  Pedrarias,  and  he  commanded  Salcedo 
to  confine  himself  to  the  province  of  Honduras, 
and  De  los  Rios,  to  that  of  Panama.  The  agents  of 
Pedrarias  seized  upon  the  former,  together  with  his 
principal  officers,  and  committed  them  to  prison, 
where  Salcedo  was  assailed  by  an  hundred  claim- 
ants, seeking  redress  for  injuries  of  a  public  and 
private  nature.  But  an  accommodation  being  sub- 
sequently effected,  the  rivals  agreed  upon  certain 
limits  for  their  respective  jurisdiction,  and,  Salcedo 
returned  after  a  long  imprisonment  to  Truxillo. 
With  a  mind  embittered  by  ill  success,  by  the  desire 
of  vengeance,  by  remorse  and  the  reprimands  of  the 
king,  he  continued  to  govern  the  province  of  Hon- 
duras until  1530,  when  he  died  most  probably  by 
poison,  detested  alike  by  the  Spaniards  and  the 
natives:  Andres  de  Cereceda  succeeded  him  by  his 
appointment.  But  his  government  was  not  more 
approved  than  that  of  his  predecessor.  For  three 
years  the  territory  was  torn  by  intestine  struggles, 
and  war  with  the  Indians,  winch  on  account  of  the 
want  of  arms  proved  more  fatal  to  the  Spaniards  than 
their  usual  combats.  During  that  period  the  colonists 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  243 

had  no  intercourse  with  the  mother  country,  nor 
in  all  that  time  had  any  vessel  arrived  at  their  ports. 
Diego  de  Albitez  came  out  with  the  commission  of 
governor,  but  was  shipwrecked  on  the  coast,  and 
died  soon  after  he  reached  Truxillo,  transmitting 
his  power  to  Cereceda.  This  officer  continued  for 
several  years  to  conduct  the  aft'airs  of  the  colony, 
very  much  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  settlers. 
His  presence  inspired  universal  dread,  and  his 
wars  with  the  Indians  were  marked  by  the  most 
savage  cruelty.  Having  reduced  the  people  of 
Truxillo  to  the  lowest  state  of  destitution,  he  re- 
moved them  from  that  town  to  the  Vale  of  Ulancho, 
famed  for  its  gold  mines,  where  he  founded  the 
town  of  Buena  Esperanza.  Their  condition  being 
little  improved  here,  and  growing  weary  of  his  ty- 
ranny, they  sent  messengers  to  Guatemala,  to  soli- 
cit the  protection  of  Pedro  Alvarado,  who,  there- 
upon, despatched  an  officer  to  aid  his  countrymen, 
and  soon  after,  followed  himself.  He  established  a 
colony  at  the  Port  of  Cavallos,  founded  the  town  of 
Nombre  de  Dios,  and  opened  a  communication  by 
it,  with  the  province  of  Guatemala.  In  1536, 
Francisco  de  Montejo  was  appointed  by  the  king, 
as  a  remuneration  for  his  sufferings  in  Yucatan,  go- 
vernor of  Honduras,  and  the  country  was  appended 
to  the  Viceroyalty  of  Mendoza.  Under  Montejo, 
the  political  condition  of  the  province  was  little 
improved,  but  under  his  successors,  the  colonists 
increased,  and  the  province,  equitably  ruled,  be- 
came a  valuable  possession.  For  several  years,  the 
trade  between  Spain  and  the  isles  of  the  Pacific  and 
Indian  Oceans,  passed  through  the  town  of  San 
Juan  del  Puerto  de  Cavallos. 

The  province  of  Nicaragua,  was  subjected  to  a 
fate  much  similar  to  that  of  Honduras.  The  Go- 
vernor, Pedrarias  de  Avila,  died  in  July,  1531,  at 
the  town  of  Leon,  having  nominated  for  his  succes- 


244  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

sor  the  Licentiate  Castanada,  whose  administration 
had  no  other  rule  than  the  interest  or  caprice  of  its 
head.  In  1534  Rodrigo  de  Centrenas  the  son-in- 
law  of  Pedrarias,  who  married  the  lady  promised 
to  the  murdered  Basco  de  Nunes,  was  appointed 
governor.  He  restored  the  province  to  order,  and 
directed  the  exploration  of  the  river  St.  Juan,  by 
which  the  Lake  of  Nicaragua  pours  its  waters  into 
the  Atlantic.  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  were  an- 
nexed to  the  Captaincy  General  of  Guatemala. 

XX.  In  the  course  of  our  narrative  we  have 
traced  the  fate  of  three  of  the  principal  captains 
employed  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico^  of  Cortes, 
Sandoval  and  De  Olid;  we  now  proceed  to  notice 
that  of  the  fourth,  Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado.  After 
his  conquest  of  Guatemala  in  1523,  he  remained  in 
that  country  as  the  deputy  of  Cortes,  until  1 526; 
when,  about  the  time  of  the  return  of  Cortes  from 
Honduras,  he  sailed  for  Europe,  to  demand  from 
the  king,  authority  for  its  government,  independent 
of  Cortes,  as  the  reward  for  his  services.  He  par- 
ticipated in  some  degree  in  the  evils  which  the  ma- 
lice of  the  enemies  of  the  conquerors  brought  upon 
them.  But,  on  the  whole,  his  reception  was  as  fa- 
vorable as  he  could  have  desired.  He  married  a 
lady  of  high  rank,  had  all  his  repartimientos  and 
other  private  property  confirmed,  and  received  the 
commission  he  solicited.  LTpon  his  voyage  to  Ame- 
rica he  was  accompanied  by  many  of  his  relatives 
and  friends,  and  cavaliers  of  rank.  He  was  ear- 
nestly charged  by  the  emperor,  who  was  not  less 
desirous  than  his  predecessor  to  discover  a  short 
route  to  the  Spice  Islands,  to  employ  himself  in 
exploring  the  Southern  Ocean.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
at  Guatemala  he  caused  a  careful  survey  to  be  made 
of  its  coast,  and  equipped  a  squadron  of  eight  ves- 
sels, with  which,  instead  of  steering  to  the  west,  he 
resolved  to  proceed  to  Peru,  and  participate  with 


CH.   VII.  MEXICO.  043 

Pizarro  in  the  wonderful  wealth  of  that  region.  In 
this  purpose,  however,  he  was  delayed,  by  the  inter- 
ference of  the  royal  officers  of  his  province,  who 
there,  as  elsewhere,  claiming  a  power  independent 
of  the  governor,  was  upon  ill  terms  with  him,  and 
sought  to  thwart  his  designs.  The  Audiencia  of 
Mexico,  too,  claiming  supervisory  jurisdiction  over 
him,  also  commanded  him  to  desist,  and  at  their  in- 
stance, the  king  absolutely  forbade  his  entrance 
upon  the  territories  assigned  to  Pizarro.  But  the 
daily  growth  of  splendid  rumours  from  South  Ame- 
rica constantly  irritated  his  avarice  and  ambition, 
his  dominating  passions;  and  at  length,  hearing  of 
the  wealth  of  the  province  of  Quito,  and  believing, 
or  feigning  to  believe,  that  it  was  not  within  the  ju- 
risdiction of  Pizarro,  he  sailed  with  the  intention 
of  invading  it,  from  the  port  of  Possession,  in  1534. 
The  fame  of  this  armament  and  the  high  character 
of  its  commander  furnished  him  abundant  troops, 
among  whom  were  many  of  the  veteran  conquerors, 
who  like  the  General  were  weary  of  the  dull  inanity 
of  peace,  and  longed  for  the  exciting  scenes  of  ad- 
venturous war.  He  embarked  with  five  hundred 
men,  of  whom,  two  hundred  and  twenty  were 
mounted,  on  excellent  horses,  and  equipped  accord- 
ing to  the  times,  at  all  points  for  action.  He  landed 
at  Port  Viejo,  and  thence  despatched  his  pilot, 
with  instructions  before  returning  to  Guatemala,  to 
survey  the  coast  beyond  the  limits  of  Peru. 

No  feat  in  the  new  world  surpasses,  perhaps  none 
equals,  this  journey  of  Alvarado,  to  Quito,  in  bold 
daring,  and  patient  suffering.  Without  a  know- 
ledge of  the  country,  or  proper  guides  to  con- 
duct him,  he  attempted  to  march  directly  to  Quito, 
by  following  the  course  of  the  river  Guayaquil  and 
crossing  the  ridge  of  the  Andes  towards  its  head. 
But  in  this  route,  one  of  the  most  impracticable  in 
America,  his  troops  suffered  much  in  forcing  their 


246  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.   VII. 

way  through  the  forests  and  marshes  of  the  low 
grounds  and  from  the  intense  cold  of  the  mountains.  "** 
In  crosshig  the  latter  his  progress  was  impeded  by 
deep  snow,  which  frequently  so  blinded  the  troops, 
that  they  could  not  see  their  way.  Many  of  the 
Indians  were  frozen  to  death,  and  others  lost  their 
toes,  and  some  their  feet  by  the  frost.  Even  the 
aspiring  and  invincible  spirit  of  the  General  sank 
under  the  misery  around  him,  and  he  repented  of 
having,  for  the  gratification  of  his  ambition,  underta- 
ken such  an  enterprize.  The  avaricious  soldiers, 
who  had  gathered  in  the  plains  of  Guayaquil,  much 
gold  and  many  precious  stones,  mocked  at  the  pro- 
clamation, which  to  encourage  them,  he  published, 
for  each  soldier  to  take  what  he  desired  from  the 
mass  reserved  for  the  royal  treasury,  and  their 
hard  earned  riches  were  returned  to  the  torrent 
beds  of  the  Andes.  Before  the  army  reached  the 
plain  of  Quito,  one  fifth  of  the  men,  and  one  half  of 
the  horses  had  perished:  and  the  remainder  were  so 
much  dispirited  and  worn  down,  as  to  be  almost 
unfit  for  service.  Yet,  when  he  arrived  there,  he 
found  an  obstacle  to  his  further  progress  which 
proved  insurmountable^  an  army,  not  of  feeble  In- 
dians, but  of  veteran  and  conquering  Spaniards, 
was  drawn  up  against  him.  Pizarro  having  received 
an  account  of  Alvarado's  armament,  liad  des- 
patched Almagro  with  some  troops  to  oppose  the 

*  At  one  time,  the  army  In  passinj?  throuj^h  a  coimtry  covered 
•with  canes  suffered  severely  from  thirst,  but  was  relieved  by 
tlie  discovery  of  considerable  quantities  of  water  between  the 
ioints  of  the  cane.  Don  Ulloa,  Book  V.  Chap.  I.  says  "iheir 
usual  length  is  between  six  and  eight  toises,  and  tlie  largest  do 
not  exceed  six  inclies  in  diameter. — At  full  moon  the  tubes  arc 
entirely,  or  nearly  full  of  water,  and  Avith  the  decrease  of  the 
moon,  the  water  ebbs,  till  at  the  conjunction,  little  or  none  is 
found.  The  water  during  its  decrease  appears  to  be  turbid,  but 
about  the  time  of  the  full  moon  is  as  clear  as  crysUtl.  The  In- 
dians add  anoth';r  particular,  that  water  is  not  found  in  all  (he 
ioints,  one  having  it,  and,  another  not,  alternately." 


en.  VII.  MEXICO.  247 

formidable  invader.  Though  surprised  at  the  si^ht 
of  this  unexpected  foe,  Alvarado  advanced  boldly 
to  meet  him;  but  the  interposition  of'some  moderate 
men  on  either  side,  prevented  a  fatal  contest  be- 
tween subjects  of  the  same  kingj  eftecting  an  ami- 
cable accommodation,  by  which  Alvarado  engaged 
to  return  to  his  government,  upon  receiving  from 
Almagro  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  pesos, 
to  defray  the  expense  of  his  armament.  Most  of 
his  followers  remained  in  the  country. 

Upon  his  return  to  Guatemala,  Alvarado  had  the 
mortification  to  discover  that  his  expedition  to  Peru 
had  met  with  the  severe  reprehension  of  the  king. 
Maldonado,one  of  the  royal  auditors  of  Mexico,  was 
charged  witli  an  inquiry  into  his  government  and 
public  conduct,  with  authority  to  send  him  prisoner 
to  Castile.  But,  he  avoided  this  painful  exami- 
nation by  returning  to  Spain,  and  casting  him- 
self on  the  clemency  of  his  master;  passing  ia 
his  way,  through  Honduras,  where  he  rendered  a 
great  service  to  the  colonists,  relieving  their  ne- 
cessities, and  restoring  order  and  regular  govern- 
ment: a  service  which  he  hoped  mi^ht,  in  the  scales 
of  justice,  weigh  against  his  disobedience  in  Quito.* 
He  seems  to  have  been  favorably  treated  in  Spain, 
since  he  returned  to  Guatemala  with  enlarged 
powers,t  under  which,  he  transferred  the  Adelan- 
tado  Montejo  from  Honduras  to  Chiapa,  sentencing 
him  to  a  heavy  fine  for  maladministration  in  the 
former.  By  a  new  convention  with  the  king,  he 
engaged  to  send  forth  an  armament  to  the  north- 
western coast  of  America,  for  the  purpose  of  disco- 
very. For  this  purpose  he  fitted  out,  in  1541,  a 
squadit)n  of  fourteen  vessels,  on  board  of  which  he 
put  eight  hundred  soldiers,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
of  whom  were  horsemen,  with  many  Indians,  and  a 

•  1536.  t  15.19. 


248  HISTORY  or  America.  ch.  vii. 

large  quantity  of  provisions  and  military  stores. 
This  fleet  put  to  sea  with  directions  to  await  hifti  in 
some  port  of  New  Galicia,  \vhilst  he  visited  the  city 
of  Mexico,  to  confer  with  the  Viceroy  on  the  di- 
rection which  should  be  ultimately  given  to  it. 
Thence,  he  proceeded  to  the  western  coast,  where, 
bein^  solicited  by  the  colonists  of  Guadalaxara  to 
aid  tliem  in  quelling  an  insurrection  of  the  Cheche- 
mecas,  he  lost  his  life  in  clambering  over  a  preci- 
pitous mountain^  ahorse  and  its  rider,  slipping  from 
a  height  above  him,  and  overthrowing  him  in 
their  fall.  His  death  was  sincerely  mourned  by 
his  family  and  dependents,  and  by  his  royal  master, 
who  lost  a  faithful  servant,  that  spared  neither  his 
person  nor  fortune,  to  promote  the  royal  interests. 
XXI.  Hitherto,  in  no  instance  had  the  Spanish 
monarchy  selected  a  worse  agent  than  Nuno  de 
Gusman.  Recommended  solely  by  family  influence, 
he  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Panuco,  whilst 
Cartes  was  performing  his  perilous  journey  to  Hon- 
duras. His  administration  of  this  province  was 
marked  by  great  violence,  not  only  against  the  un- 
fortunate natives,  but  upon  his  own  countrymen, 
who  had  been  established  there  by  the  Conqueror. 
His  activity  w\as  incessant,  but,  it  was  chiefly  em- 
ployed in  creating  confusion.  With  an  overween- 
ing opinion  of  his  own  capacity,  he  was  envious  of 
the  reputation  of  Cortes,  and  desirous  to  reduce 
under  his  own  dominion,  a  large  portion  of  the  ter- 
ritories assigned  to  others.  He  contested  the  right 
of  the  Governor  of  Mexico,  to  the  country  conquer- 
ed and  colonized  by  him;  despatched  an  expe- 
dition to  the  Rio  de  las  Palmas,  which  he  knew  to 
be  within  the  jurisdiction  granted  to  Pamphilo  de 
Narvaez;  and  invaded  the  province  of  Mechoacan, 
under  the  most  frivolous  pretences.  Called  to  pre- 
side over  the  Audiencia  of  New  Spain,  he  intro- 
duced discord  among  its  members,  by  which  means 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  249 

he  obtained  the  principal  direction  of  its  affairs;  in 
which  he  emplojed  his  power  to  oppress  the  first 
conquiat adores,  and  particularly  such  as  were 
friendly  to  their  general.  His  violence  and  cor- 
ruption rendered  him  universally  odious;  and  when 
he  learned  that  he  was  to  be  superseded  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  new  audiencia,  he  entered  upon  the 
exploration  of  the  country  on  the  north-west  of  Mex- 
ico, as  much  from  a  view  of  withdrawing  from  an 
inquiry  into  his  conduct,  as  by  some  valuable  dis- 
covery, to  make  his  peace  with  the  king. 

His  conduct  on  this  expedition,  was  marked  by 
the  most  opposite  qualities.  The  courage,  industry 
and  perseverance,  the  patience  under  pain,  hunger 
and  thirst,  the  elasticity  of  mind,  which  no  evil 
could  destroy,  every  where  so  surprisingly  display- 
ed by  the  Spaniards  in  America,  were  not  wanting 
in  him;  but,  they  were  attended  by  a  wanton  cru- 
elty, and  disregard  of  the  comforts  of  his  troops, 
which  the  Spanish  leaders  rarely  exhibited.  In 
passing  through  Mechoacan,  he  seized  the  person 
of  Cozentzin,  the  king,  and  on  some  unfounded 
complaints,  subjected  him  to  torture,  and  finally, 
condemned  him  to  be  burned  to  death.  The  true 
motive  of  this  act,  was,  his  desire  to  possess  the 
treasures  of  the  prince.  He  employed  five  years 
in  exploring  and  colonizing  the  province  of  New 
Galicia,  which  he  so  named;  and,  he  penetrated 
into  the  province  of  Cinaloa,  and  other  countries  on 
the  Gulph  of  California,  and  in  the  late  Intendency 
of  Sonora;  and  founded  several  cities,  among  which 
were  Guadalaxara,  Buenavista,  and  Compostella. 
So  irregular  and  tyrannical  was  his  course  during 
this  perioti,  that  innumerable  complaints  were  pre- 
ferred against  him  in  the  tribunals  of  Mexico,  on 
which  judgment  of  imprisonment  and  confiscation 
of  his  goods  was  rendered;  and  at  last,  in  the  year 
1537,  he  was  arrested  by  the  special  order  of  the 


250  HISTORY  OP  AMERICA.  €H.  VII. 

king,  in  New  Galicia,  and  conducted  to  the  Capi- 
tal, in  which  he  was  closely  confined,  more  tlftin  a 
year,  and  was  thence  sent  to  render  an  account  of 
his  administration  before  the  royal  council  of  the 
Indies,  in  Spain.     His  powerful  family  and  many 
friends  saved  him  from  the  punishment  he  merited. 
XXII,  The  peninsula  of  Yucatan  and  the  island 
of  Cozumel,  though  first  discovered  of  the  provinces 
of  New  Spain,  drew  little  of  the  attention  of  the 
conquerors  until  the  year  1526,  when  Francisco  de 
Montejo,  a  native  of  Salamanca  and  a  distinguished 
captain  of  Cortes',  instigated  by  the  reports  of  Agui- 
lar,  of  their  favorable  climate  and  productiveness, 
entered  into  stipulations  with  the  King,  to  explore 
and  colonize  them.    He  landed  on  the  western  coast 
of  Yucatan  with  five  hundred  soldiers,  and  might  rea- 
dily have  taken  with  him  as  many  more,  such  was  the 
desire  of  emigration  produced  at  this  period  by  the 
celebrated  golden  cannon  presented  by  Cortes  to  the 
king.     His  progress  through  the  country  was  ren- 
dered difficult  and  unsatisfactory,  by  his  want  of 
knowledge  of  the  language,  and  he  could  scarce 
obtain  sufficient   information  of  its   topography  to 
enable  him  to  judge  of  the  course  and  means  he 
should  adopt  to  subject  it.      Having  observed  that 
in  Mexico,   all  the  dependent  countries  fell  upon 
the  conquest  of  the  principal  kingdom,  he  supposed 
that,  as  tliere  appeared   several   jurisdictions  here, 
the  conquest  of  the  greatest  would  be  followed  by 
the  submission  of  the  rest.     A  considerable  portion 
of  the  inhabitants  were  mild  in  their  manners,  and 
peaceably  disposed,  and  very  readily  yielded  a  por- 
tion of  their  lands  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
strangers:  but  others,  were  fierce  and  warlike,  and 
the  superior  quality  and  condition  of  their  arms, 
offensive  and  defensive,  induced   the  Spaniards  to 
believe,  that  they  had  been  instructed  by  Guerrero, 
the  companion  of  Aguilar.     Montejo  made  many 


f'H.   VII.  MEXICO.  251 

efforts  to  get  this  Spaniard  into  his  power,  that  he 
might  serve  as  interpreter^  but  Guerrero  was  now 
a  chieftain  of  the  country,  and  could  not  be  distin- 
guished from  the  natives,  having  adopted  their  cos- 
tume in  all  respects^  and  he  was  too  wary  to  pro- 
claim himself.  During  the  period  of  four  years, 
Montejo  laboured  sedulously  to  lay  a  stable  founda- 
tion for  his  government;  but  his  treatment  of  the 
natives  finally  defeated  his  efforts.  Presuming  upon 
their  ready  submission  in  the  district  which  he  oc- 
cupied, he  introduced  the  repartimientos,  and  dis- 
tributed them  as  slaves.  AVhen  the  nature  of  this 
condition  was  known,  the  Indians  speedily  threw 
off  the  yoke;  and  as  there  was  no  political  dissen- 
sions among  the  people  of  the  several  provinces,  by 
which  one  could  be  made  to  aid  in  the  oppression 
of  the  other,  and  all  were  true  to  themselves,  the 
Spaniards  were  compelled  to  retire  by  the  way  of 
Campeachy;  and  Montejo  himself  returned  to 
Mexico,  whence  he  proceeded  soon  after  to  the  go- 
vernment of  Honduras,  which,  together  with  that 
of  Tobasco,  were  added  to  his  jurisdiction.  His 
son  was  his  deputy  in  the  latter  pro\'ince.  Mon- 
tejo, as  characterized  bv  Diaz,  was  better  consti- 
tuted for  civil  business  tlian  for  war.  His  conduct 
in  both  his  governments  display  weakness.  But  if 
he  were  less  able,  he  was  certainly  more  humane, 
than  other  conquerors. 

XIII.  In  order  to  complete  the  notice  we  proposed 
to  take  of  tlie  progress  of  the  Spaniards  in  New  Spain 
and  its  dependencies,  we  must  not  neglect  the  en- 
terprize  of  the  unfortunate  Pamphilo  de  Narvaes, 
who  had  been  so  easily  overcome  by  Cortes.  Having 
obtained  from  the  king  a  grant  ot  the  government 
of  such  countries  as  he  should  colonize  between  the 
Rio  de  las  Palmas,  and  Florida,  he  departed  from 
Seville,  in  the  close  of  the  year  1527,  with  five 
ships  and  six  hundred  men.     But  he  was  a  target 


252  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  Cll,   VII. 

against  which  fortune  aimed  her  keenest  arrowy  He 
lost  one  of  his  vessels  on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  having 
seventy  men  and  twenty  horses  on  board;  and  the 
rest  having  been  injured  by  a  hurricane,  lie  was 
compelled  to  winter  at  Xagua.  His  force  was  here 
reduced  to  about  four  hundred,  witli  wiiom,  after 
encountering  several  storms,  he  arrived  on  the  coast 
of  Florida,  in  April  1528.  Without  guides,  and 
■without  provision,  he  set  forth  to  seek  tlie  district  of 
Appalachia,  which  had  been  falsely  reported  to 
abound  with  gold.  He  traversed  the  country,  but, 
found  no  compensation  for  the  labours  and  sufferings 
of  his  journey.  A  particular  account  of  this  expe- 
dition belongs  to  a  future  volume,  but  we  may  re- 
mark here,  that  it  is  not  surpassed  by  any  story  of 
daring  and  misery  in  this  eventful  period.  He  witli 
his  whole  host,  three  persons  only  excepted,  perished 
by  various  ways  on  the  northern  shores  of  the  Gulph 
of  Mexico.  The  survivors  after  seven  years  of 
captivity,  found  their  way,  from  tribe  to  tribe,  to 
Mexico. 

XXIV.  The  President  of  the  second  Audiencia 
of  New  Spain,  Don  Sebastian  Remirez  administer- 
ed the  government  for  a  period  of  six  years  with 
distinguished  ability  and  success;  quieting  tlie  un- 
ruly spirits  of  the  Coiiqidstadores,  and  collecting 
the  other  emigrants  mio  poblados  or  settlements,  in 
which  he  introduced  municipal  regulations,  similar 
to  those  of  the  parent  State.  Growing  weary  at 
length  of  his  labours  and  absence  from  his  native 
country,  he  obtained  permission  to  return  to  Spain. 
The  Spanish  monarch  had  now  resolved  to  establish 
in  Mexico  a  government  modelled  on  that  of  Castile, 
under  a  vice  regal  court,  which  should  he  invested 
with  a  very  large  portion  of  the  royal  authority,  to 
be  exercised  with  royal  ostentation.  For  this  high 
honour,  Cortes  was  the  most  proper  candidate;  but 
the  very  qualities  wliich  rendered  him  most  effective, 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  253 

made  him  still  obnoxious  to  the  emperor.  Had 
he  been  hated  by  his  soldiers  and  the  Indians, 
had  he  been  extortionate,  cruel  and  vindictive,  he 
might  have  been  entrusted  by  his  king,  from  the 
conviction,  that,  however  much  he  might  abuse  au- 
thority, he  could  not  forcibly  retain  it.  But  the 
monarch  continued  to  dread,  that,  the  man  who 
placed  this  new  and  splendid  diadem  upon  his  head, 
would  pluck  it  off  to  deck  his  own  brows:  he  there- 
fore elected  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  Viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  in  the  year  1535.  From  that  period, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  Spanish  power  in 
Mexico,  the  vice  regal  government  prevailed  5  but 
a  particular  account  of  its  constitution  belongs  to 
the  History  of  modern  Mexico.  It  remains  to 
complete  this  portion  of  our  labours,  to  give  a  con- 
cise view  of  the  condition  of  the  Mexican  nations 
immediately  consequent  upon  their  subjection. 

XXV.  The  first  great  visible  eftect  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Spaniards  in  America,  was  the  as- 
tonishing and  deplorable  diminution  of  the  ancient 
inhabitants.  Wherever  they  had  resolution  to  take 
up  arms  in  their  own  defence,  many  perished  in  the 
unequal  contest.  This  was  particularly  the  case 
in  Mexico,  where  the  martial  habits  of  the  people, 
induced  the  most  strenuous  opposition;  yet  a 
great  number  perished  under  the  hardships  of  ser- 
vice in  the  Spanish  armies,  in  their  various  expedi- 
tions, worn  out  with  the  incessant  toil  of  carrying 
their  baggage,  provisions  and  military  stores.  But 
these  causes  were  of  a  temporary  nature,  and  far 
less  destructive  than  the  inconsiderate  policy  ^vith 
which  the  Spaniards  established  their  new  settle- 
ments. Before  tlie  conquest  the  condition  of  the 
mass  of  the  people,  under  a  despotic  feudality  and 
hierarchy  was/ abundantly  wretched;  the  emperor, 
princes,  nobility  and  priesthood  possessed  the  whole 
of  the  lands;  the  governors  of  provinces,  indulged 
23 


254  HISTORY    OP    AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

with  impunity  in  the  most  severe  exactions,  and  the 
cultivator  was  every  where  degraded.  The  high- 
ways swarmed  with  mendicants;  and  the  want  of 
large  quadrupeds  forced  thousands  of  men  to  per- 
form the  labour  of  beasts  of  burthen,  in  the  trans- 
portation of  the  maize,  cotton,  hides,  and  other 
commodities,  sent  in  tribute  from  the  provinces  to 
the  capital.  The  conquest  rendered  the  state  of 
the  peasant  still  more  deplorable.  All  Indian  pro- 
perty in  land  and  goods  was  invested  in  the  con- 
querors, and  this  atrocious  principle  was  recognized 
by  the  law,  which  assigned  to  the  Indians  a  small 
portion  of  ground  around  the  newly  erected  church- 
es. Some  exceptions  however  were  made  in  favor 
of  a  few  nobles,  whose  descendants,  at  this  day,  en- 
joy the  estates  possessed  by  their  ancestors  under 
Montezuma.  The  system  of  encomicndas  was  in- 
troduced, under  which  large  districts  were  granted 
to  the  conqiiistadores,  to  the  Catholic  clergy,  and  to 
the  favorites  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  govern- 
ment, to  which,  as  in  Poland  and  Russia,  the  inha- 
bitants were  deemed  slaves  appurtenant.  Instead 
of  settling  in  the  vallies  occupied  by  the  natives, 
where  the  fertility  of  the  soil  would  have  amply  re- 
warded the  diligence  of  the  planter,  these  grantees 
located  themselves  frequently  in  the  mountainous 
districts,  to  search  for  mines  of  precious  metals, 
which  were  the  chief  objects  of  their  activity.  To 
prosecute  their  favorite  projects  the  sei-vices  of  the 
natives  were  indispensable.  They  were  according- 
ly compelled  to  abandon  their  ancient  habitations  in 
the  vallies,  and  driven  in  crowds  to  the  mountains. 
This  sudden  transition  from  the  sultry  plains  to  the 
frigid  highlands,  exorbitant  labour,  scanty  and  un- 
wholesome nourishment,  and  despondency,  occa- 
sioned by  ceaseless  oppression,  of-  whose  end  they 
had  no  hope,  melted  them  away  with  frightful  ra- 
pidity.    These  causes,  together  with  t)ie  introduc- 


CH.  VII.  MEXICO.  255 

lion  of  the  small  pox,  so  reduced  the  population, 
that  the  accounts  of  its  former  extent  appeared  al- 
most incredible. 

It  is  due  to  Christianity  and  its  pious  ministers, 
to  state,  that  the  missionaries  generally,  early  es- 
poused the  defence  of  the  natives.  To  their  pow- 
erful interposition  the  Americans  were  indebted  for 
every  regulation  tending  to  mitigate  the  rigour  of 
their  fate,  and  the  clergy  in  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments, regular  as  well  as  secular,  were  long  consi- 
dered by  the  Indians  as  their  guardians,  to  whom 
they  had  recourse  under  the  hardships  and  exac- 
tions to  which  they  were  exposed.  Although  the 
Spanish  Government,  in  the  first  instance,  encoura- 
ged and  sustained  the  odious  system  of  repartimi- 
ento,  yet  when  enlightened  by  the  representations 
of  the  clergy  as  to  its  fatal  effect,  the  ministry 
made  earnest  endeavours  to  abrogate  it.  As 
the  life  serfs,  which  had  been  granted,  fell  in,  they 
were  not  redistributed;  and  many  wholesome  de- 
crees, for  ensuring  the  liberty  of  the  Mexicans 
were  proclaimed;  but  the  intentions  of  the  monarch 
and  the  authority  of  the  laws,  were  generally  de- 
feated by  the  uncontrollable  avarice  of  individuals, 
who  trusting  to  their  distance  for  impunity,  continu- 
ed to  consider  and  treat  the  Indians  as  slaves.  The 
governors  themselves,  and  other  of&cers,  frequently 
as  indigent  and  rapacious  as  the  adventurers  over 
whom  they  presided,  instead  of  checking,  partici- 
pated in  their  excesses.  At  a  later  period  Charles 
III.  wholly  abolished  the  encomiendas  and  reparti- 
inientos,  but  the  ingenuity  of  the  Spanish  officers 
still  found  means  to  keep  the  wretched  peasant, 
though  nominally  free,  in  actual  slavery.  The 
best  condition  of  the  Mexicans  under  the  Spanish 
polity,  as  represented  in  a  memoir,  presented  by 
the  bishop  and  chapter  of  Mechoacan,  to  the  king  ia 
1579  is  not  enviable. 


256  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  CH.  VII. 

"The  population  of  New  Spain  is  composed  of 
three  classes.  Whites  or  Spaniards,  Indians'and 
Castes,  In  the  hands  of  the  first,  all  the  property 
and  wealth  of  the  kingdom  are  centered.  The  In- 
dians and  the  Castes  cultivate  the  soil,  are  in  the 
service  of  the  better  sort  of  people,  and  live  by  the 
work  of  their  hands.  Hence,  between  the  Indians 
and  the  whites,  are  those  opposing  interests,  and 
mutual  hatred  which  universally  exist  between 
those  who  possess  all,  and  those  who  possess  nothing: 
between  masters  and  those  who  live  in  servitude. 
On  the  one  hand,  we  behold  envy  and  discord,  de- 
ception and  theft,  and  on  the  other,  arrogance,  se- 
verity, and  the  desire  to  oppress.  These  evils 
spring  every  where  from  great  inequality  of  con- 
dition, but  are  rendered  more  terrific  here,  be- 
cause there  exists  no  intermediate  state." 

"The  Indians  and  races  of  mixed  blood,  are  in  a 
state  of  extreme  humiliation.  The  colour  of  the 
first,  their  ignorance,  and  especially  their  poverty, 
remove  them  to  an  infinite  distance  from  the  whites. 
The  privileges  which  the  laws  seem  to  concede 
them  are  more  injurious  than  beneficial.  Shut  up 
in  a  narrow  space  of  1640  feet  (600  varus)  radius, 
assigned  by  law  to  the  Indian  villages,  they  have 
individually,  no  property,  and  are  bound  to  cul- 
tivate the  lands  of  the  community,  from  which  they 
receive  a  bare  support.  The  law  prohibits  the  mix- 
ture of  Castes,  the  residence  of  whites  in  the  Indian 
villages,  and  of  the  natives  among  the  Spaniards. 
This  state  of  insulation  opposes  obstacles  to  civili- 
zation. The  Indians  are  governed  by  themselves, 
their  magistrates  being  of  the  same  race.  In  every 
village  eight  or  ten  old  Indians  live  at  the  expense 
of  the  rest,  in  the  most  complete  idleness,  exercising 
an  authority  founded  on  a  pretended  elevation  of 
birth,  or  on  an  artful  policy,  transmitted  from  father 
to  son:  the  only  inhabitants  of  the  village  who  speak 


CH.  vir.  MEXICO.  257 

Spanish,  thej  have  llie  greatest  iuterest  in  main- 
taining among  their  countrymen,  the  most  profound 
ignorance,  and  they  contribute  most,  to  perpetuate 
prejudices,  and  the  ancient  barbarity  of  manners. 
Forbidden  by  the  law  to  enter  into  any  contract,  or 
debt,  beyond  five  piastres  in  value,  the  natives  can 
aspire  only  to  the  employment  of  common  labourers, 
or  mechanics.  This  and  other  like  provisions,  in- 
tended for  their  defence,  are  arms  in  the  hands  of 
their  oppressors.  Such  a  union  of  deplorable  cir- 
cumstances has  produced  an  indolence  of  mind, 
and  that  state  of  apathy  which  renders  man  insensi- 
ble to  hope  and  fear." 

**The  Indians  and  the  Castes  are  in  the  hands  of 
magistrates  of  districts  whose  immorality  has  not  a 
little  contributed  to  their  misery.  So  long  as  the 
Alcadias  May  ores  subsisted  in  Mexico,  the  Alcades 
considered  themselves  as  merchants  who  had  the 
monopoly  of  commerce  in  their  provinces,  from 
which  they  drew,  from  30,000  to  200,000  dollars 
profit  in  the  short  space  of  five  years.  These  usu- 
rious magistrates  compelled  the  Indians  to  purchase 
at  arbitrary  prices  a  number  of  cattle,  by  which 
means  they  became  their  debtors.  Under  pretence 
of  recovenn^  the  capital  and  usury,  the  Alcade  dis* 
posed  of  the  Indians,  the  whole  year  round,  as  abso- 
lute slaves." 

"  By  the  establishment  of  Intendencies,  the  go- 
vernment sought  to  put  an  end  to  the  oppressions  of 
the  repartimientos.  Subdelagados  were  substituted 
for  the  Alcades  Mayores,  to  whom  every  sort  of 
traffic  was  prohibited.  But  as  no  salaries  were  as- 
signed to  them,  nor  any  fixed  emolument,  the  evil 
grew  worse.  The  Alcades  administered  justice 
impartially,  whenever  their  own  interests  were  not 
concerned.  The  Subdelagados,  without  revenue, 
believed  themselves  justified  in  employing  anj  means 
to  procure  themselves  a  comfortable  subsistence. 
23* 


258  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA,  CH.  VII. 

Hence  resulted  the  perpetual  oppression  of  the 
poor,  and  indulgence  to  the  rich,  and  the  sliam'^ful 
traffic  of  justice."  In  this  state  of  degradation  and 
misery,  heightened  by  occasional  rays  of  intellectual 
light, the  Indian  and  the  mixed  races  continued, until 
the  breaking  up  of  the  Spanish  power  in  America.  An 
event  which  will  one  day  promote  their  welfare,  but 
which  yet,  we  fear,  has  not  greatly  ameliorated  the 
condition  of  the  great  mass  of  the  natives. 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  A.  p.  24. 


AVe  refer  the  reader,  to  M.  de  Humboldt's  work  on  America, 
entitled,  "  Researches  concerning  tlie  institutions  and  monu- 
ments of  the  Ancient  Inhabitants  of  America,  w  ith  descriptions 
&;c."  for  copies  of  se\ei*al  portions  of  Mexican  MSS.  other  thaii 
those  we  have  given  in  this  Mork;  we  refer  him,  more  particu- 
larly, to  tlie  Four  Epocha  of  nature,  painted,  according  to  tlie 
Mexican  Mnhology  and  Cosmogony;  to  tlie  Signs  of  the  days 
in  the  Mexican  Almanac,  extracted  from  tlie  Manuscript  of  Ve- 
letri;  tlie  copy  of  the  map  of  the  emigration  of  the  Aztecs  pub- 
lished by  Gemelli,  of  which  we  have  spoken  in  the  text:  the  ex- 
cerpts also,  from  the  Borgian  Manuscript  at  Veletri:  and  the 
fragments  taken  from  the  Codex  Tellerumo  Remensis,  in  the 
library  of  Paris. 


NOTE  B.  p.  26. 

In  preparing  the  following  list  of  writers  on  the  ancient  histo- 
ry of  Mexico  we  are  actuated  by  the  double  motive,  of  present- 
ing the  vouchers  for  the  many  extraordinary  facts  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages,  and  of  showing  farther  the  extent  and  power  of 
the  Mexican  language  and  picture  writing,  by  direct  reference  to 
the  authors  who  nave  ^\Titten  in  tlie  one,  and  derived  essential  aid 
from  the  other.  We  follow  the  Abbe  Clavigero  in  classing  the 
■writers  in  the  centuiy  to  which  they  belong. 

Writers  of  the  Sixteenth  Century.  The  first  in  time  and 
value  is  Cortes  himself;  he  -wTote  four  long  letters  to  Charles  V. 
•which  have  been  published  in  most  languages  of  Europe;  the 
first  in  Seville  in  1522.  They  are  well  written,  have  tlie  stamp 
of  sinceritv-  and  are  entitled  to  much  respect. 

Bemal  Diaz  Castillo  was  a  soldier  and  a  conqueror,  but  not  a 
man  of  letters;  he  wrote  "  A  time  History  of  the  Conquest  of 
JVVw  Spain,"  originally  printed  in  Madrid  in  1632,  which  has 
been  translated  into  other  languages.  Though  not  well  qualified 
for  the  task  he  assumed,  he  seized  the  pen  to  do  justice  to  the 
merits  of  himself  and  other  conqidstadores,  which  he  deem- 
ed shamefully  overlooked  by  other  writers.  He  was  a  witness 
of  the  greatest  portion  of  the  facts  which  he  narrates,  and  this 
circumstance,  with  his  simplicity  and  sincerity,  gives  ham  a  claim 
to  full  credit.  He  compiled  his  work  in  the  city  of  Guatemala, 
of  which  he  was  Regidor,  in  1572. 


260  APPENDIX. 

Alonzo  de  Mata  and  Alonzo  de  Ojoda,  -wore  conquerors  and 
writers  of  commentaries  on  the  conquest.  Their  com[)ila|ions 
have  been  used  by  Herrera  and  Torquemada. 

The  anonymous  Conqueror,  is  the  autlior,  to  whom  the  name 
is  given,  of  a  verj'  curious  and  much  esteemed  relation  found  in 
the  collection  of  Ramusio,  under  tlie  title  of  "  The  rdatioii  of 
a  Gentleynan  -who  atteiuled  Ferdinand  Cortes.'''*  This  vork  is  a 
valuable  compend  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Mexicans. 

Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  wrote  a  History  of  Aew  Spain, 
from  information  obtained  from  the  lips  of  tlie  conquerors,  and 
the  -wTitings  of  the  first  missionaries.  It  was  printed  at  Saragos- 
sa,  in  1534,  and  contains  a  full,  but  not  verj-  accurate  account,  of 
the  Mexican  laws,  religious  rites,  festivals,  aud  method  for  the 
computation  of  time. 

Toribio  de  Benavente,  a  Franciscan  monk,  and  one  of  tlie  first 
twelve  missionaries  to  INIexico,  known  commonly,  from  his  evan- 
gelical poverty,  by  the  Mexican  name  of  JMotolinia,  wrote  "  7'Ae 
History  of  the  Indians  of  JVew  Spain,''*  published  in  one  folio  vol- 
ume. He  WTote^  also,  a  work  on  the  ^Mexican  Calender,  tlie  ori- 
ginal of  which   was  long  preserved  in  Mexico. 

Andrea  d'Olmas,  also  a  Franciscan  Monk,  acquii-ed  the 
Mexican,  Totonacan,  and  Huaxtocan  languages,  and  composed  a 
grammar  and  dictionary  of  each;  he  compiled  aJso  in  Spanish,  a 
treatise  on  Mexican  antiquities;  and  in  the  Mexican  language,  a 
collection  of  the  exhortations  used  by  the  natives  to  their  children, 
a  specimen  of  which,  Ave  have  given  in  the  18th  chapter  of  Uie 
third  volume  of  our  Cabinet,  and  the  first  of  the  history  of 
Mexico. 

Bernardo  Sahagun  another  Franciscan,  was  employed  more 
than  sixtj'  years  in  the  instruction  of  the  Mexicans.  He  com- 
piled several  works  in  the  Mexican  and  Spanish  languages; 
among  which,  Avas  a  universal  Dictionary  of  the  Mexican  lan- 
guage, comprising  the  geogi-aphy,  the  religion,  and  the  political 
and  natural  histoiy  of  the  Aztecs.  This  Avork  of  immense  eru- 
dition and  labour  Avas  sent  to  the  royal  historiographer  of  Ameri- 
ca resident  at  Madrid,  by  the  Marquis  of  Villanianrique,  viceroy 
of  Mexico,  and  is  supposed  to  be  still  preserved  in  some  library 
of  Spain.  He  wrote  also,  the  general  liistor)'  of  New  Spain,  in 
four  volumes,  Avhich  were  deposited  in  tlie  library  of  the  convent 
of  Franciscans,  in  Tolasa  de  NaA'ara. 

Alfonso  Turita,  a  Spanish  lawyer  and  judge  of  Mexico,  wrote 
in  Spanish,  ♦'  A  compenctiotis  Helation  of  the  Lords  there  loere 
in  jyiexico,  and  their  difference;  of  tlie  "Laivs,  usages,  mid  nts- 
tonis  of  the  .Mexicans;  of  the  tributes  -wltich  they  pidd,  &c." 
The  original  manuscript  in  folio  was  placed  in  the  library  of  the 
college  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  of  the  Jesuits  of  IVIexico. 
From  tliis  work,  said  to  be  Avell  Avritten,  much  has  been  exti'acted 
by  Clavigero.  Juan  de  Tobar,  a  noble  Jesuit  of  Mexico,  Avrote 
on  the  ancient  kingdoms  of  Mexico,  Acolhuacan,  and  Tlacopan, 
by  order  of'  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  His  MSS.  served  to 
guide  Acostii  in  his  woik. 


APPENDIX.  261 

Joseph  D'Acosta,  a  Jesuit  celebrated  in  Spanish  literature, 
after  a  residence  of  some  veal's  in  botli  Americas,  published  in 
Spanish,  "  The  JS'atural  and  floral  History  of  the  Indians."  at 
Seville,  in  1589.  This  work,  was  much  valued  at  the  time  of  itg 
publication,  but  its  religious  views,  and  defectiveness  in  many 
important  matters  render  it  exceptionable  at  present 

Fernando  Pimentel  Lxtlilxochitl,  son  of  Caonacotzin,  last 
kin^  of  Acolhuacan,  and  Antonia  de  Tobar  Cano  Monteiuma 
Ixtlilxochitl,  a  decendent  of  the  royal  houses  of  Mexico  and 
Acolhuacan,  at  the  request  of  the  count  Benevente  and  the  vice- 
roy Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  wrote  letters  on  the  genealogy  of  the 
kings  of  Acolhuacan,  and  the  antiquities  of  that  kingdom. 

Antonio  Pimentel  Ixtlilxochitl,  son  of  Fernando  Pimentel, 
■wrote  historical  memoirs  of  the  kingdom  of  Acolhuacan,  by  which 
Torqueraada,  was  assisted;  and  from  it  the  calculation  of  the  an- 
nual expenditure  in  tlie  palace  of  Xezahualcojotl, greatgrandfather 
of  that  author  lias  been  taken.     (See  Mex.  Vol.  I.  p.  148.) 

Taddeo  de  Niza,  a  noble  Indian  of  Tlascalla,  wrote,  in  the 
year  1548,  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  the  history"  of  the  conquest, 
which  was  subscribed  by  thirty  other  nobles  of  Tlascala. 

Gabriel  d'Agala,  a  noble  of  Tezcuco,  -v^-rote  in  the  Mexican 
language.  Historical  commenLiries,  on  Mexican  affairs  from  the 
year  1243  to  the  year  1562. 

Juan  Ventura  Zapata  e  Mendoza,  a  noble  of  Tlascala,  wrote 
also  in  the  Mexican  language,  the  Chronicle  of  Tlascala,  com- 
prizing the  history-  of  that  nation,  from  its  arrival  in  Anahuac, 
to  the  year  1589. 

Pedro  Ponce,  a  noble  Indian,  rector  of  Tzompahuacan  com- 
piled in  Spanish,  an  account  of  the  Gods,  and  the  rites  of  Mexi- 
can Paganism. 

The  Chiefs  of  Colhuacan  prepared  the  annals  of  that  kingdom; 
a  copy  of  which,  was  in  the  above  mentioned  librarj-  of  the  Jesu- 
its. 

Christoval  del  Castillo,  a  Mexican  Mestee, wrote  the  travels  of 
the  Aztecas  to  Anahuac.  The  MSS.  was  deposited  in  the  library 
of  the  college  of  the  Jesuits  at  Tepozatlan. 

Diego  Mugnoz  Camarga,  a  noble  Mestee  of  Tlascala,  wrote 
in  Spanish,  the  histoiy  of  the  City  and  Republic  of  Tlascala, 
Torquemada  used  this  work,  and  tiiere  are  copies  of  it  in  Spain 
and  Mexico. 

Fernando  d'Alba  Ixtlilxochitl,  a  Tezcucan,  and  descendant 
in  a  right  line,  from  the  kings  of  Acolhuacan,  very  conversant 
with  the  antiquities  of  his  nation,  compiled,  at  the  request  of  the 
viceroy  of  Mexico,  several  learned  and  valuable  works,  viz.  The 
History  of  New  Spain,  The  Historr  of  the  Chechemecan  Lords, 
An  Epitome  of  the  Histor}"  of  the  kingdom  of  Tezcuco,  Histo- 
rical memoirs  of  the  Toltecas,  and  other  nations  of  Anahuac. 
All  these  works,  MTitten  in  Spanish,  were  preserved  in  the  library 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  were  used  by  Cla\-igero.  The 
author  was  so  cautious  in  writing,  tliat,  in  order  to  remove  any 
grounds  for  suspicion  of  fiction,  he  made  his  accounts  conform 


262  APPENDIX. 

to  the  historical  paintings  which  he  inherited  from  his  ances- 
tors. • 

Juan  Batista  Pomar,  of  Tezcuco,  or  Cholula,  a  descendant 
from  a  bastard  of  the  royal  house  of  Tezcuco,  vsTOte  Historical 
^lemoirs  of  that  kingdom,  of  which  Torquemada  has  availed 
himself. 

Domingo  de  San.  Anton.  Mvinon  Chimalpain,  a  noble  Indian 
of  Mexico,  compiled  in  the  Spanish  language  four  ■works,  much 
esteemed,  viz.  The  American  Chronicle,  from  Uieyear  1068,  to 
the  year  1597,  The  History  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  by  the 
Spaniards,  Original  accounts  of  the  kingdoms  of  Acolhuacan, 
of  Mexico,  and  other  provinces:  and  Historical  Commentaries, 
from  the  year  1064  to  the  year  1521.  These  works  were  deposi- 
ted in  the  libraiy  of  the  college  of  St.  Peter  and  St,  Paul.  Bo- 
turini  had  copies  of  tliem,  as  well  as  of  almost  all  the  works  of 
the  Indians  we  have  mentioned. 

Fernando  d'Alvarado  Tezozomoc,  an  Indian  of  Mexico,  wrote 
in  Spanish,  a  Mexican  Chronicle,  about  the  year  1598,  which 
was  preserved  in  the  above  mentioned  librarj^. 

The  famous  protector  of  tlie  Indians,  Bartolome  de  Las  Casas 
prepared  several  works  relative  to  Mexican  History,  the  most 
extensive,  and  probably  the  most  valuable,  viz.  the  History  of 
the  Climate  and  Soil,  of  the  countries  of  America,  &c.  and  a 
Genei-al  Historj'  of  America  have  not  been  published.  Hia 
gi-eat  zeal  for  the  Indians  has  discredited  his  authority  in  rela- 
tion to  their  affairs. 

Agustino  Davilla,  and  Padillo,  a  noble  Dominican  of  Mexico, 
preacher  to  Philip  HI.  royal  Historiogi-apher  of  America,  and 
Archbishop  of  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo,  besides  the  Chronicle 
of  the  Dominicans  of  Mexico,  printed  in  Madrid,  in  1596,  and 
the  Historj-  of  New  Spain  and  Florida,  printed  in  Valladolid,  in 
1632,  -svTote  the  ancient  History  of  tlie  Mexicans,  employing  ma- 
tei'ials  collected  by  Fernando  Duran,  a  Dominican  of  Tezcuco. 

Doctor  Cervantes  composed  Historical  memoirs  of  Mexico, 
■which  have  been  used  and  praised  by  Herrera. 
.  Antonio  de  Saavedra,  a  noble  Mexican,  during  his  voyage  to 
Spain,  wrote  in  twenty  cantos  the  History  of  the  Conquest  of 
Mexico,  and  printed  it  in  Madrid,  under  the  Spanish  Title  of 
£1  Perigrino  Jmliano,  in  1599.  This  work,  says  Clavigero, 
ought  to  be  reckoned  among  the  histories  of  Mexico,  for  it  has 
nothing  of  Poetr}-  but  die  measure. 

Pedro  Guterrez  de  S  Cliiara,  wrote  a  work  upon  Mexico, 
which  is  known  only  by  tlie  acknowledgement  of  its  use  by 
Betancourt. 

Writers  in  the  Seventeenth  Centiiry.  Antonio  de  Herrera, 
royal  Historiographer  for  the  Indies,  has  compiled  in  four  folio 
volumes,  ciglit  Decades  of  the  History  of  America,  beginning^ 
with  the  year  1492;  together  with  a  geographical  description  of 
the  Spanish  Colonies.  The  work  Avas  printed  at  Madrid,  early 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  many  editions  have  since  been  given 
of  it,  in  Uic  Spanish  and  other  languages.     An  edition  printed 


APPENDIX.  263 

in  folio  at  Amberes  in  1728,  Avhich  we  have  used,  isrichly  orna- 
mented witli  plates  and  poilraits.  Although  the  principal  de- 
sign of  the  author  was  to  relate  the  Actions  of  the  Spaniards, 
he  does  not  omit  the  Ancient  Histoiy  of  tlie  Americans,  which, 
however,  he  copies  mostly  from  Acosta  and  Gomara.  The  form 
of  annals,  which  he  has  adopted,  is  excessively  perplexing,  and 
wearisome  to  the  reader;  the  nan^ation  being  interrupted  at  eve- 
ly  step,  by  unconnected  occuiTcnces. 

Arigo  Martinez,  a  foreign  author,  although  of  Spanish  sur- 
name, after  many  years  residence  in  ^lexico,  wrote  a  History  ot 
Xew  Spain,  which  was  printed  in  that  City  in  1606. 

Gregorio  Garcia,  a  Dominican,  composed  a  treatise  of  much 
erudition,  on  the  origin  of  tlie  Americans;  printed  in  Quarto,  at 
Valentia,  in  1607,  and  reprinted  in  Madrid,  in  1729.  It  is  al- 
most useless,  dealing  little  in  facts,  and  much  in  conjectures, 
feebly  founded. 

Juan  de  Torquemada,  a  Franciscan  Spaniard,  wrote  a  History 
of  Mexico,  under  the  title  of  the  Indian  Monarchy,  printed  in 
Mexico  in  1614,  in  three  large  volumes,  folio,  which  contains 
the  most  complete  account  of  tlie  antiquities  of  that  countr\'  of  any 
work  published  before  that  of  ClaA  igero.  The  author  avIio  resided 
in  Mexico  from  his  youth,  to  his  death,  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  Mexican  language,  and,  conversant  with  tlie  inhabitants  for 
more  than  Mty  years,  collected  many  ancient  paintings,  and 
manuscripts,  and  laboured  on  his  work  more  than  twenty  years. 
It  is,  notwithstanding  his  care,  obscui'ed  by  contradictions  and 
fables,  and  much  superfluous  learning. 

Anias  Villalobos,  wrote  in  verse,  a  history  of  Mexico,  from 
the  foundation  of  the  capital,  to  the  year  1623.  It  was  printed 
in  Mexico,  in  that  year,  but  is  a  work  of  little  value. 

Christoval  Chaves  Castillejo,  a  Spaniai'd,  A\Tote  about  the  year 
1632,  a  volume  in  folio,  on  the  origin  of  the  Indians,  and  Uieir 
first  colonies  in  Anahuac. 

Carlos  de  Siguenza  e  Gongora  a  native  of  Mexico,  and  profes- 
sor of  mathematics  in  the  university  of  his  countiy,  was  one  of 
the  most  comprehensive  writers  on  the  History  of  Mexico.  He 
made,  at  great  expense,  a  large  and  valuable  collection  of  ancient 
pictm-es  and  manuscripts.  Besides  many  other  works,  he  wrote 
in  Spanish  1.  The  JMeocican  Cyclography,  a  work  of  gi'eat  la- 
bour, in  which,  by  calculating  eclipses  and  comets,  marked  in 
the  historical  pictures  of  tlie  Mexicans,  he  adjusted  their  epochs 
with  ours  and  explained  their  divisions  of  time.  2.  The  History 
of  the  Chechemecan  Empire,  in  which  he  explains  the  INIexican 
paintings  relating  to  the  emigration  of  the  first  colonies,  and  the 
events  of  the  most  ancient  nations  of  Anahuac.  3.  A  long  and 
learned  dissertation  on  the  Annunciation  of  the  gospel  in  Ana- 
huac which  he  believed  had  been  made  by  the  Apostle  St.  Thomas; 
4,  The  genealogy  of  the  Mexican  kings,  tracing  the  line  as  far 
back  as  the  seventh  centuiy  of  the  christian  era;  5.  Critical  an- 
notations on  the  works  of  Toi-quemada  and  Bemal  Diaz.  All 
these  learned  MSS.  have  perished,  through  the  carelessness  of 


264  APPENDIX. 

the  author's  heirs;  so.ne  frag^ments  only  have  heen  preserved  in 
the  \rorks  of  Gemelli,  Betancourt  and  Floroncia.  ^ 

The  Ancient  and  Slodem  HislorA"  of  Mexico  printed  In  the 
capital  in  169S,  nnder  the  title  of  The  .Mejricim  Theaire,  is  in 
re^rtl  to  tlie  Ancient  Histoiy,  an  inaccurate  abridgement  of  Tor- 
que mada. 

Antonio  dc  Solis,  royal  historiographer  of  America,  has  in  his 
History-  of  the  Conqiicst  of  New  Spain,  given  tlie  most  polished 
work  \v  hicli  the  Spanish  language  can  boast  in  relation  to  Ameri- 
ca. It  is  condemned,  however,  as  an  affected  panegyric  on  liis 
hero  Cortes,  in  •whicli,  he  has  sacrificed  truth  to  embellishment. 

IFrifers  of  the  Eighteeiiih  Ceittnry.  Pedro  Fernandez  del  Pul- 
gar,  successor  to  Solis  in  the  office  of  Historiographer,  has  MTit- 
ten  "  The  tnie  Kistovu  of  the  Conquest  of  ^Mexico"  -with  the 
view  it  is  said  of  coirecting  the  en'ors  of  his  predecessor. 

Lorenzo  Boturini  Benaducci,  was  a  curious  and  learned  gen- 
tleman of  Milan,  who  arrived  in  Mexico  in  1736.  To  qualify 
himself  for  writing  the  history-  of  that  kingdom,  he  made,  during 
eight  years  that  he  remained  there,  the  most  diligent  researches 
into  its  antiquities,  acquired  a  considerable  knowledge  of  its 
language,  and  by  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  natives,  obtain- 
ed many  of  their  ancient  paintings,  which  he  added  to  the  copies 
of  the  valuable  manuscripts  tlien  in  the  librai'ies  of  the  monaste- 
ries. His  collection  of  paintings  and  manuscripts  was  the  lar- 
gest and  most  select,  that  had  ever  been  made,witli  the  exception 
of  that  of  Siguenza.  But,  before  he  put  a  hand  to  his  work,the 
jealousy  of  the  Spanish  Government  stiipped  him  of  his  litera- 
ry" estate  and  sent  him  to  Spain.  He  was  acquitted  of  all  evil 
design,  but  his  collection  was  never  restored  to  him.  He  pub- 
lished in  Madrid  in  1746,  in  1  vol.  4to.  a  sketch  of  the  great 
work  he  meditated.  Among  the  collections  of  Boturini,  were 
some  important  Mexican  corapends;  such  as,  1.  Annals  of  the 
Toltecs  painted  on  paper,  widi  a  commentan'  in  the  Mexican 
language;  containing  an  accoiuit  of  the  pilgrimage  and  Mars  of 
the  Toltecas,  the  founding  of  their  metropolis,  and  other  occur- 
rences until  tlie  year  1547:  2.  Commentaries  in  the  Mexicivn 
language  on  the  History  of  the  Aztecs  from  106G  to  1316 — and 
from  1367  to  1509:  3.'  A  Mexican  Historj-  in  tlie  ^[txican  lan- 
guage, carried  back  as  far  as  the  year  1406:  in  which  the  arriviJ 
of  the  Mexicans  at  ToUan  is  fixed  at  1196. 

There  have  been  many  foreign  writers  on  tiie  History*  of  Mcx- 
icOjbut  most  of  them  have  compiled  their  works  from  the  autho- 
rities above  mentioned.  The  -w  ork  of  M.  de  Pauw  is  a  philoso- 
phical extravaganza,  in  which,  the  author,  having  formed  certain 
evil  opinions  of  every  tiling  relative  to  America,  unliesitatingly 
forges  facts  to  support  his  system.  The  Abbe  Raynal,  an  t-lo- 
quent  and  much,  estimated  writer  upon  tlie  Indies,  was  likewise 
cmbued  witli  a  sceptic.il  spirit,  and  is  chai-ged  by  Clavigero 
with  some  gross  delusions  relative  to  tlie  modem  aftairs  of  New 
Spain.    He  avers  in  relation  to  ancient  Mexico,  that  "  nothing 


APPENDIX.  265 

are  we  permitted  to  affirm,  except,  that  the  Mexican  Empire  was 
governed  bv  Montezuma,  at  the  time  the  Spaniards  landed  on 
the  Mexican  coast "  Thomas  Gage,  an  English  ^-riter,  -who  re- 
sided some  years  in  Mexico  has  been  m'lch  relied  upon  by  Dr. 
Robertson,  but  is  deemed  by  Clavigero  'o  be  wholly  unworthy 
of  credit  Of  Dr.  Robertson  we  have  fcerelofore  sufficiently 
spoken.  "We  will  add  here,  however,  that,  if  he  did  not  possess 
all  the  resources  of  information  above  naiced,  he  possessed 
others  entitled  to  respect,  which  we  have  mt  mentioned.  We 
have  witli  great  pleasure  availed  ourselves  of  Dr.  Robertson's 
work,  whenever  his  statements  were  not  impugned  by  tlte  Abbe 
Clavigero.  But  in  disputed  points,  we  have  chosen,  wisely,  we 
think,  to  rely  on  the  latter. 

The  works  of  M.  de  Humboldt,  particularly  his  Political 
Essay  on  New  Spain,  and  his  Researches  concemiig  the  Institn- 
tions  and  Monuments  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  America  have 
shed  much  additional  light  upon  the  Geography,  ]Satural  Histo- 
r\'  and  Antiquities  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  on  its  modem  civil 
state.  We  have  drawn  deeply  fix)m  the  fountains  h^  has  opened 
and  shall  revisit  them  hereaiter. 


n-A^oo^s. 


Q  Q19R  00059  2705 


